Some Chinese Loanwords in Khmer

This reference glossary drawn by two major Khmer linguists deals with linguistic borrowing. This process is defined as the adaptation by one language of lexical material from another language to its own morphological, syntactic, and phonological patterns [see Myles Dillon, ​“Linguistic Borrowing and Historical Evidence,” Language 21 – 1 (1945)].

Various features of language such as phonology, morphology, and syntax can be borrowed during instances of language contact in which words are borrowed from the language equipped with specific vocabulary — in the present case, terms mostly related to commercial exchanges, banking, games of chance, new technologies brought to Cambodia by Chinese migrants, or encountered and borrowed during transactions. 

This 1973 study was the first comprehensive collection of Chinese borrowed terms in the Khmer language. Before that, Southeast Asian linguists had only explored the etymology of a few words thought to be of Chinese origin and found in European languages. In 1922, for instance, Annam specialist Léonard Aurousseau published a short essay [​“Le mot sampan est-il chinois ?”, BEFEO 22, 1922. pp. 139 – 142] on the Chinese origin of Portuguese and later European sampan, small boat, pointing to 三板 san pan, ​‘three boards’, attributing it to Chinese sailor’s slang and discarding a possible Spanish (Colombia) etymology champan. He did not mention that the word also existed in Khmer, សំប៉ាន saamban — pronunciation quite similar to the one in Cantonese or Hokkien -, defined in Chuon Nath Dictionary as a ​“dinghy made of five (or six) planks.” 

In their Introduction, the authors refer to some ​“useful information” brought to us by Chinese traveler Zhou Daguan from his visit to Angkor in 1296 – 7 about Chinese loanwords in Khmer at that time. The reverse process, when he atempt to ​“sinicize” Khmer words he heard in Angkor, deserves further research on the possible pronunciation of Old Khmer in Angkorian times. 

Some Chinese Loanwords in Khmer

Saveros Pou & Philip N. Jenner

Journal Of Oriental Studies 11 (1), Hong Kong University Press, 1973, p 1 – 90. Digitized by Angkor Database May 2025.

The wordlist which follows probably needs little by way of introduction or justification. Since the opening of its history Cambodia has had nearly continuous relations with China as well as India. Next to nothing, however, has been done so far to document China’s linguistic impact upon Cambodia.

Nothing shows the antiquity of Cambodia’s relations with China so pointedly as the circumstance that the two states which fore- shadow the empire of Angkor are known to us only by Chinese names, viz. Fu-nan (item 236) and Chen-la (item 143). Of the two great centers of civilization with which Cambodia came into lasting contact, China alone has left usable historical records. The overriding cultural influence of India on Cambodia was the peaceful work of groups of individuals- brahmans, artisans and merchants for the most part — who brought to the Khmer the basic ingredients of their later civilization, notably their writing system, their architecture and their religions. The Indianization of Cambodia was moreover favored by matrimonial alliances between the newcomers and local women of the upper class — a factor of considerable social and linguistic importance which is well attested by the Old Khmer inscriptions over several centuries. On the other hand, China’s influence in Southeast Asia was exercised not only peaceably as in the Malay Peninsula and Cambodia but also by force as in Vietnam and Champa. As far as the advent of Chinese influence in Cambodia is concerned, the early establishment of diplomatic relations-which took the typical form of acknowledgment by Cambodia of a vague Chinese suzerainty and the passing back and forth of Chinese as well as Cambodian embassies-must have reflected what has since been described as the enormity of China’s shadow overhanging the entire area. This awesome présence may have gone far toward compensating for the low numerical strength of Chinese in Cambodia down to comparatively recent times.2

While in Vietnam the Chinese conquest was followed by imposition of administrative control and by occupation for nearly a millennium, Cambodia at no time underwent a process of Sinicization. Indeed, Chinese influence in Cambodia has always been of a singularly subtle kind. Thus, early Khmer sources make no mention either of China or of the Chinese apart from rare references to artifacts qualified as cin (item 141) in the inscriptions. Chinese sources are much more informative regarding Cambodia but are mainly concerned with reporting the forementioned embassies, the frequency of which dwindles with the rising power of an Angkor preoccupied with affirming its identity by making the most of cultural assets acquired from India. Here and there in the folk literature of the later Middle Khmer period (fourteenth to eighteenth centuries) we neverthe less encounter information on the movements of merchants plying between Cambodia and China (sruk cin). One of the most revealing instances of this kind is found in the Dhanañjaya cycle.3 This clever trickster figure, after many an imposition on the Cambodian king himself, is finally dispatched by the latter to the Emperor of China (stec krun cin) in the hope that that mighty monarch will dispose of him once and for all. The recurrent portrayal of Chinese in Khmer folk literature as a people devoid of humanity and humor is of interest in so far as it may show long but curiously narrow contacts between the two peoples, contacts colored on the one hand by China’s exquisite civilization and colossal power, on the other hand by the fact that the Chinese in Cambodia have constituted an aggressive social and economic minority.

It is difficult to say with any precision how early Chinese relations affected Khmer society and culture. We must nevertheless assume that Chinese traders and workers were established on Khmer soil and were allied with women of the lower class. In the absence of such an assumption we should be hard put to understand the information reported by Chōu Tákuān from his visit to Cambodia in 1296−1297.4 This writer speaks of ​“descendants of Chinese” living amongst the Khmer and being engaged in agriculture and the crafts. He tells us that ​“Chinese arriving as seamen find it pleasant that one need not wear clothing in this land. Since rice is easy to get, women easy to find, houses easy to build, furnishings easy to obtain, and trade easy to carry on, there are constantly men who desert in order to [remain behind].”5 Clearly, the drift of Chinese males out of their overpopulated homeland and into the underpopulated lands to the south must have set in centuries before. Chōu refers in fact to ​‘the great number’ of Chinese who had already come to Cambodia, adding that ​‘the first thing a Chinese does upon reaching these shores is to take a wife.’ He also provides a number of valuable economic details. For example, the goose (knān, item 201), previously unknown, was introduced by Chinese sailors, while the Khmer of Chou’s day were unacquainted with tables (tu, item 101), benches (tāmn, item 79), basins (dhun, item 112) and buckets (thāmn, item 108), but were already taking to the use of low beds (grē, item 204), ​‘which are usually made by Chinese.’ They did not raise silkworms in the late Angkorian period.

On the lower level of Khmer society at the end of the thirteenth century, in short, we find a not inconsiderable mingling of the two peoples, from which comes a class of Sino- Cambodian métis that continues to grow in size down to modern times. It is essential to note that there was no discernible duplication or rivalry between the culture introduced by the Chinese newcomers and that which had been assimilated centuries earlier from India. On the contrary, Chinese cultural features contributed heavily to the development of certain areas of material life which the Indian tradition had ignored, notably in the domains of cuisine and the speculative activities such as trade, finance, and gambling. In this connection it will be of interest to note that terms relating to commerce and navigation account for 22 per cent of the items in our list; terms relating to food on the one hand and to articles of use (implements and the like) on the other represent 21 per cent each; while terms relating to diversions (gambling and theater) total 6 per cent. Other categories are: kin terms, 5 per cent; technological terms (arts and crafts), 4 per cent; administrative and legal terms, 2 per cent; and religious terms, 2 per cent. Miscellaneous verbs account for 8 per cent of our items, miscellaneous nouns 7.5 per cent; under both these heads fall a good many items which were undoubtedly borrowed under a specific category.

As the modern period approached, Chinese immigration into Cambodia continued, gathering momentum under the French Protectorate — which had need of a hard-working but cheap labor force for the development of the country. Nothing could have been easier than opening door to these men driven out of South China by necessity. Their settlement in Cambodia was favored by the apathy of the local population and by the voracity of local leaders.6 European travelers of the last century report the presence of Chinese in virtually all corners of the Kingdom, where they were engaged in petty trade or serving as middlemen between the merchants of the towns and the rural population or holding concessions (vide item 265, lo diar) for gambling, opium, alcohol production, fishing, and the like.

A folk-saying illustrates the attitude of resignation which developed toward the aggressive Chinese: kumjhloh nin srī, kum ktī nin cin, which can be freely rendered, ​‘Bicker not with womenfolk, enter not a court of law with a Chinese.’ And the Cpā’p prus or Code of Conduct for Young Men cautions the indolent, romantic young Khmer against the relentless realism of the petty Chinese merchant:

… bī brik tpak kpāl cin /​Iņāc min dā’n cin tā’k khnoh / jwn kāl vā caŋ jœn / bywr khba’s lœn kpāl tām cuh / bhnēk sliŋ tiŋ krañuh / vā dār prā’k oy pān chā’p

mœl mukh l’a tic ​‘vi / min khmās srī phsār jhar stā’p / mukh miñ tūc ge slā’p / mā’t sñeñ sñāñ bep tūc kmen / srēk thŋūr ​‘ah ​‘ũy ​‘œy / ​‘ā cik ​‘œy ​‘anit lēn / ​‘añ rak prā’k oy ​‘ēn / oy ​‘ā cik s’ēk neḥ pān

cin Ī bram srāy mak / pantœr rak prā’k santān / tiŋ dār dā’l tē pān / draby oy dau dœp vā lēn

… If at morn you clout a Chinese head, / By eve the Chinese claps irons on you; /​At times he will bind your feet, / Hang you high, head down, / Eyes fixed, face abashed, / As he demands his money forthwith. 

See the face, how fair it is! / Unashamed that market women stand and hear. / For a time the face is corpse-like, / Mouth twisted, scowling like a child. 

You shriek and wail, ​‘Ah! Oh! Ugh! / O uncle, have mercy! let me go! / I’ll get money for you, / And can give it you tomorrow.’

The Chinese hears, agrees to unbind you, / Takes you off to get money of your kin, / Pressing his claim until he receives / His due, that he might go. Then he lets you go. [7]

Everyone who has sought to use Chinese in comparative or historical linguistic studies is conscious of the temptation to see relationships which probably never existed between Chinese and the language under study, of the seeming ability of Chinese forms to respond to all impulses of the investigator’s imagination. Our awareness of this temptation, which has weighed heavily upon us in drawing up the wordlist which follows, has impelled us to screen our data many times over and to reject over 25 per cent of our original corpus. The list offered here, therefore, is far from complete and includes only those items which we regard cither as confirmed or as meriting special scrutiny by others before being abandoned. In this same connection, several classes of putative loans have been excluded from the present list. One of the most intriguing of these comprises the numerals for the decades from thirty to ninety, which appear to have come indirectly into Khmer through Thai and will be reserved for a special study. Note, however, the inclusion here of ta’p ​‘ten’ (item 117), which lies outside the system of borrowings through Thai. An analogous class of excluded loans consists of five members of the duodenary cycle. Since the Khmer form of the cycle poses problems of unusual interest, these five terms are likewise being studied separately. A third group is made up of those loans proposed by our esteemed colleague the late Yuri A. Gorgoniev, in whose view the post-initial liquids of forty-six Mon-Khmer forms reflect post-initial semivowels in Old Chinese.8 On most of Gorgoniev’s identifications we prefer not to pass judgment at this time; meanwhile, we accept with reservations seven of his items, namely bhlœn ​‘fire’, drūn ​‘breast, chest’, jrau ​‘to be deep’, jhlās ​‘to be clever’, krēn ​‘to fear’, khlāmn ​‘to be strong’, and vēn ​‘to be long’.

Regarding the content of our list several further points must be made. In the first place, in addition to establishing the general Chinese provenance of the forms listed, we have addressed ourselves to two main tasks: (a) that of identifying the dialect source of each item and (b) that of ascertaining the direction of borrowing. Our results under both these heads are very imperfect, and much work remains to be done. Rather than explicitly discussing these matters under each item, we have chosen to do no more than suggest the immediate dialect source or the direction of borrowing in the ordering of our data. Under item 64, for example, the fact that we list Cantonese ​‘siu’ before the other dialect forms may be taken to mean we feel /​msèew/​came into Khmer more or less directly from Cantonese. Under item 67 the ordering of our data indicates our view that /​tii/​came into Khmer from Thai /​thîi/​, which, rather than coming from a modern southern Chinese dialect, should probably be referred to an earlier stage of Chinese, best known to us through Middle North Chinese reconstructions (to which modern Mandarin forms frequently stand closest). As far as dialect sources are concerned, Willmott shows that the present-day Chinese community in Cambodia is divisible into five main dialect groups: the Ch’áo-chōu (77 per cent of the total), the Cantonese (10 per cent), the Hainanese (8 per cent), the Hakka (3 per cent), and the Hokkien (2 per cent).9 As will be seen, our attributions show little or no correlation with this distribution, which carries no linguistic implications whatever. Not surprisingly, only a few of our Khmer items are referred to Mandarin. On the other hand, it is somewhat paradoxical, despite what has just been said, that the bulk of our items appear to stand closest to Hokkien and Amoy.

In the second place, our emphasis on the gathering and presentation of collateral data (as from Burmese, Lao, Malay and Vietnamese) is intended not only to reinforce our own conclusions but to offer alternative conclusions. In some cases these supplementary data will. show the dimensions of the problem in question, while in others they will illustrate the principle that a Chinese word borrowed by one language is likely to be borrowed by other languages. In still other cases, as in the ordering of dialects referred to above, our citing a collateral loan may be interpreted as showing that the latter is not involved with the loan in Khmer.

Lastly, asterisked items are not recognized by the Vacanānukram khmēr. Khmer forms are cited first in phonemic transcription and again in transliteration. Items in the list are arranged, by phonemic form, according to the following order: /​p, b, m; t, d, n; c, p; k, ŋ; q; w, f, j; r, I; s, h/​for consonants and /​ii, iiə, i, ee, eǝ, εε, aaε, aa, a; yy, yyə, y, ǝǝ, aaǝ, ә; uu, uuǝ, u, oo, ooә, о, оǝ, aao, ǝǝ, aa, a/​for vowels. The acute (/​é/​) and grave (/​è/​) over syllable nuclei mark the high and low registers respectively, the first corresponding to Henderson’s Second, the second to Henderson’s First Register. A uniform Indianist transliteration has been used for all Khmer forms and for nearly all forms cited from Thai, Lao and Burmese. Transliterated Khmer forms make use of the following special devices: ‘ = initial a‑kāra or other syllabic vowel symbol; 1 after a vowel = the panta’k/bantak/ or breve; over a consonant = the musikadanta /musǝkǝtoən/ or the trīsabda /trǝǝj sap/, marking registral alternation; over a vowel = the samyogasaññā (samjóok sannaa/, marking a special reading of the vowel symbol; ( ) around a final syllable = the dandaghāta /toəndəkhíiət, indicating that the syllable affected is not to be pronounced.

With due caution, transliterations may be taken as reflecting an earlier stage of these four languages. For example, under item III the transliteration of Thai/​thùǝ/, namely thãv, may clarify our identification of the Thai form with MNC dhǝu. The sources used in collecting our Chinese data, moreover, show such pointless diversity of transcription that we have reluctantly adopted a uniform transcription which we believe will be more of a help than a hindrance. We have not however felt it necessary at this stage to concern ourselves with the tones of Chinese, since Khmer is non-tonal. Our Chinese data therefore preserve the tone diacritics used in the original transcriptions, with two exceptions: (a) the tones of Mandarin, represented by exponent numbers from 1 to 4 (or 5) by Mathews, are here rewritten, — , ‘ , v , and ‘ and (b) no attempt has been made to reproduce the typographically difficult systems used by Karlgren and de Mello.

ABBREVIATIONS

• Am. Amoy
• B. Burmese
• Cc. Ch’áo-chōu
• Ct. Cantonese
• [CN Chuon Nath Dictionary]
• Eg. Egerod
• GSR Karlgren, Grammatica Serica Recensa
• H. Hakka
• Hkn. Hokkien
• K. modern standard Khmer
• K Karlgren, Analytic Dictionary
• Μ. modern Mon
• McF. McFarland
• Mdn. Mandarin
• MNC Middle North Chinese (‘ancient’)
• OC Old Chinese (‘archaic’)
• OK Old Khmer (to 14^th century)
• OM Old Mon (to 14^th century)
• SVN Sino-Vietnamese
• Sw. Swatow
• Th. modern standard Thai
• VK Vacanānukram khmēr
• vVN vernacular Vietnamese

WORDLIST [10]

1. */(num) píiə / nam bā ​‘baked moon-cakes with filling’. K. /​num/​‘cake, bread’ + Am./Hkn. pían

(餅) ​‘cake, pastry’, = Sw. pían , H. pìan, Ct. pên – pén, Mdn. Pîn; SVN bính (rare) and vVN bánh (> Srê bbany).11

From the same source come Th. /(khanôm) píǝ/​‘Chinese cake or sweetmeat with stuffing placed in layers’ [McF. 535a] and /(chun) píǝq/​‘(spring) cakes’ [Eg. 41] as well as Lao / (khanôm) piǝ/​‘moon- cakes’. Cf. Malay/​Indonesian/​Javanese/​Tagalog lumpia, Malay/​Javanese ǝmpin, Malay/​Indonesian binka, Tagalog/​Bisayan pipin and bibinka, Malay/​Indonesian lǝmpin-lǝmpin; the presyllable of all these forms is unexplained. Note also Cham apion/​qapiǝn/​.

2. / píiən/​bān ​‘compote with base and stem’. OK. vāna *[ẞa.n] ​‘bowl-shaped dish with pedestal’. MNC bhuan (盤) ​‘vessel; tub, tray, dish, plate…’ [K 690], Min. phán ​‘plate, dish, tub for bathing, vessel; tray’, Am. Poân-phoân, Hkn. pôan, Ct. phun; › SVN bàn ​‘plat, plateau, table, bassin’ and Thai /​phaan/​bān ​‘tray with pedestal’ (= Lao/​pháan/​bān ​‘pedestal tray used in basi ceremony’).

From the same source come B. /linban:/ lanpan: ​‘tray’ and Malay/​Indonesian puan ​‘large betel caddy of silver or wood’.

2a. / píiəj/​bāy. See /​póon píiəj /.

3. /​pit/​bit ​‘writing-brush; pen, pencil’. Am./Hkn. pit (筆) ​‘writing- brush’, = H. pît, Ct. pât, Mdn. pî (› pidgin pee); › SVN bút ​‘pinceau, plume’ (> Cham/​but/​but ​‘instrument pour écrire’).
4. /​pin/​bin ​‘long, straight, gold pin for children’s topknot’. Through Th. /​pìn/​‘straight pin with rounded head (used for sticking in the hair)’ [McF. 526b] (= Lao /​pīn/​); < Am. pìn (篦) ​‘hairpin, comb’, = Hkn. pín, Ct. pai, Mdn. pì.
5. */​pèe/​pe ​‘father (among Sino-Cambodians)’; cf. /(qaa) pəq/​. Am./Hkn. pē (爸) ​‘father, papa’, = Ct. pá, H. pā, Mdn. pà; › SVN bả ​‘père, papa’.

From the same source comes Th. /​pǎa/​pā ​‘father (among Chinese)’.

5a. /​pèek kuk/​pek ga’k. See /​pək kuk/.

6. */​paa than kòo/​pā thāmn kū ~ */​paaw than kòo/​pāv thāmn kū ​‘steamed white rice-cake’; cf. /​qaa kaao/​. Am./Hkn. pau thn koé ( 包糖粿), = Cc. pão thn kwê, Ct. páu thốn kwó; › Th. /​paa thần kŏo/’(Chinese) doughnut, without hole’.

6a. /​paa sii/​pā sī. See /​phaa sii/

7. */​paa hii/​pā hī ’ (Chinese) jugglery; juggling act or exhibition’; cf. /​hii/​. Am./Hkn. pá hì ( 把戲) ​‘acrobatic or magic performance’, =H. pà hí, Ct. pá hei.

7a. /​paan/​pān. See /​taaj paan/.

7b. */​paan taao/​pān to. See /​pan taao/.

7c. /​paan/​pān. See /​qon paan/.

8. /​paaw (kɔɔn) / gāv gan ​‘to beat or sound a gong, i.e. to announce or hawk by beating a gong’. Through Th. /​pàaw/​‘to spread widely, broadcast (as news)’ (= Lao /​pāaw/​‘to spread (news, word)’); either < Am./ Hkn. pà (佈 and 報) ​‘to inform, notify, announce, publicize’, = Ct. pou, Mdn. pù and pào respectively, or < Am./Mdn. pò (播) ​‘to sow, broadcast; to publicize, propagate’, = H./Ct. pó. See/​qampíiǝw/​and cf. Lao /​kɔɔn pāaw/​‘alarm gong or drum’. We refer K., /​kɔɔn/​to Austronesian: cf. Malay/​Indonesian gong ​‘large gong with boss’.
9. */​paaw/​pāv ​‘to include, encompass; to monopolize’; cf. /​paw/​, /​baaw/​. Am./Hkn. pau(包) ​‘to include, contain’, = Ct. páu, H./Mdn. pāo.
10. /​paaj/​pāy ​‘to reverence, kowtow to, worship’. Am./Hkn./Mdn. pài (拜) ​‘to make obeisance, salute, pay highest honor to’, Ct./H. pái ​‘adorar, saudar de mãos postas’.

Cf. Th. /​wâaj/​‘to salute by placing the hands palm to palm and raising them toward the face…’ and Lao /​wàj/​‘saluer, adorer’, possibly < MNC pwai [K 687].

11. /​paaj hùuǝj/​pāy hwy ​‘secret society’; cf. /​qan jǝǝj/​. Presumably Am./ Hkn. bâi hōe ( 埋會), < Am./Hkn. bâi ~ tâi ​‘to bury, conceal, secrete’, = Ct./Mdn. mái, + Am./Hkn. hōe ​‘meeting, assembly, association, society’, = Ct. wui, Mdn. hùi.
12. /​pan/​pā’n ​‘pot for tea or coffee’. Am. pân pìn (瓶) ​‘pot, pitcher, carafe, jar, jug, bottle’, Ct. phên, Mdn. phín; > SVN bình.

From the same source comes Th. /​pan/​‘terracotta tea-pot’.

13. /​pan/​pā’n ​‘to arrange, settle; to calculate, judge, decide’. Am./Hkn. pān(辦) ​‘to manage, administer, arrange, settle’, = Ct. pán, Mdn. pàn, H. phán; > SVN biên ​‘diviser, partager, examiner, juger’ and vVN bàn ​‘se concerter, délibérer, discuter une affaire’.
14. /​pan taao/​pãn to ~ */​paan taao/​pān to ​‘chopping-knife, cleaver’. Cc. /​pān tāa/(板刀) ‘(chopping-) board knife’, < Cc. /​pān/​‘board, plank, slab, block’, = Am./Hkn./Ct. pán, Mdn. păn (confused with Am./Hkn. pan (枋) ​‘board, block, table’, but Mdn. fān ​‘tree used as timber (for boats, etc.)’), › SVN bản; + Cc. /​tāa/​‘knife, cutting instrument’, = Am./Hkn. ta — to, Ct. tou, Mdn. tāo, › SVN dao.
15. /​paw/​pau ​‘small packet (of needles); numeral classifier for packets’; cf. /​paaw/​, /​baaw/​. Am./Hkn. pau(包) ​‘packet, pack, envelope’, = Ct. páu, H./Mdn. pāo; › SVN bao ​‘contenir, envelopper; sac, enveloppe, boîte, cosse’.
16. /(num) paw/​nam pau ​‘steamed round cake or bun of fermented rice flour, with meat filling’. K. /​num/​‘cake, bread’ + /​paw/​‘packet’, as in item 15.

Cf. vVN (bánh) bò ​‘gâteau fait avec de la farine fermentée’ and Lao/​saalapaw — kalapaw/​‘steamed soft bun with or without filling’, of which the two prior elements are unexplained.

16a. /​paw/​pau. See /​haao paw/.

17. */​paw qii/​pau ​‘Ī ​‘kind of folding deck-chair used by Chinese and Sino-Cambodians; folding army cot of green cloth’; cf. /​kaw qǝǝj/​. Am./Hkn. pò i ( 布椅) ​‘cloth seat or couch’, < Am./Hkn. pò ​‘cotton cloth, calico’ (perhaps confused with pau [item 15] ​‘to wrap or fold up’), = H. póu, Ct. pou, Mdn. pù ; + Am./Hkn. í ​‘chair, seat; couch’, = H. ì, Mdn. î, Ct. ji.
18. */​paw hýy/​pau hī ​‘abalone’. Cc. /​pàw hýy/​( 鮑魚) ​‘abalone’, = Sw. /​păw hý/​[Egerod 111), Am./Hkn. pau hî, Ct. páu jy, Mdn. pào jý ​‘shell-fish; dried fish; abalone’, H. pau n ​‘dried fish, salted fish’; › SVN bào ngư ​‘poisson mariné’.

From the same source comes Th. /​paw hyy/​‘abalone’.

19. /​pah/​pah ​‘to patch, mend’. Through Th. /​pàq/​pah ​‘to patch, mend’ (= Lao/​páq/​‘to patch, mend’), < Hkn. pá (補) ​‘to repair, mend, patch, add to’, = Am. pó, H. pòu, Ct. pou, Mdn. pŭ; › SVN bở ​‘rapiécer un habit, réparer…’
20. /​pýn/​bin ​‘to rely or depend on’. Through Th. /​phyn/​bin ​‘to depend on (for help)’ (= Lao /​phǝn/​‘to depend on’), < Am. (憑) ​‘to depend on, confide in’, = Mdn. phín, Ct. phân; › SVN bằng ​‘s’appuyer sur, se confier…’

20a. */​pýn/​bin. See /​ceǝk pýn/.

21. */​pǝk kuk/​pik ga’k — /​pəq kùuǝq/​pi kw: ~ */​pèek kuk/​pek ga’k ​‘the yam bean (Pachyrrhizuserosus Urb. or Pachyrrhizus angulatus Rich.), a blue-flowered vine producing a turnip-like tuber with hard, white flesh’. 12 Presumably Am./Hkn. *pe? koe ( 白瓜), < Am./Hkn. pe? ​‘white’, = Sw. pé?, Cc. /pɛ?/, Ct. pák, Mdn. pái; + Am. Koa ~ koa? ~ koe ​‘melon- like plants’, Hkn. koe, Ct. kwá, Mdn. kuā.
22. */(qaa) pǝq/​‘ā pi ​‘old man (chap), fellow’; cf. /​qaa/​and /​pèe/​. Am./Hkn. á pe? (阿伯) ​‘father’s older brother, uncle; title of respect’, = Sw. ?ă pè?, H. ā pâk, Ct. á pák, Mdn. à pǝ; › SVN a bá ​‘frère ou sœur aînés du père’.

From the same source come Th. /​qaa pɛq/​‘father’s older brother’ and Lao /​qaa pēq/​‘uncle’.

22a. /​pəq kùuǝq/​pi kw. See /​pək kuk/.

23. /​pǝj/​bai ​‘old small coin’; cf. /​bìiǝ/​. Perhaps through Th. /​phaj/​bai ​‘copper coin representing ¹⁄₃₂ of a baht, minted during reign of Somdet Phra Nang Klao (1824−1851)’ [McF. 603a] (cf. Th. /​pɛq/​pēh ​‘small Chinese coin’ and Lao /​bìi/​pī ​‘small coin equivalent to ¹⁄₁₀ of a /​kîip/​’, as well as Cham i běi /​qibej/​; < Am./Hkn. pè ~ pòe (貝) ​‘cowry, shell (used as) money; coin’, = Mdn. pèi, Ct. pui, H. pùi; › SVN bới ​‘cauris, coquillage précieux servant jadis de monnaie’.
24. /​puu thaw/​bū thau ~ /​puuw thaw/​pūv thau ​‘axe, hatchet’. Am. pú (pó) thâu ( 斧頭) ​‘axe, hatchet’, = Cc. /​poo thāw/​, Hkn. pá thâu, H. pòu thêou, Ct. fu thâu, Mdn. fŭ thóu.

24a. /​puuw thaw/​pūv thau. See /​puu thaw/.

24b. */​pòo kak/​pū kā’k. See /​pòoc kak/.

25. /​pòoc kak/​pūc kā’k ~ */​pòo kak/​pū kā’k ​‘star anise’; cf. /​kak/​. Cc. póe? kàk/​( 八角) ​‘octagonal; star anise’, = Am./Hkn. poe? kak, Ct. pát kók, Mdn. pā cýǝ.

The K. form usually occurs in the culinary term /​pòoc kak laaw haaw/​‘star anise [and] nutmeg’; vid. /​laaw haaw/.

26. */​póon píiaj/​bon bāy ​‘buoy, raft’. Conjecturally, Am./Hkn. *pan pai (枋篷) ​‘raft, float’, < Am./Hkn. pan ~ hon ​‘board, wooden planking’, = Mdn. fān, Ct. fón (cf. B. /​hpaun/​phon ​‘raft’); + Am./Hkn. pai – phai ​‘raft’, = Mdn. phái (› K. /​phaac/​).
27. /​pòow/​pūv ​‘small jar’. Am. Pû ~ pâu (匏) ​‘bottle-gourd’, = Ct. pháu, Mdn. pháo; › SVN bào ​‘calebasse’.

From the same source comes Lao /​ka pú/​‘small jar’.

27a. */​pòow/​pūv. See /​chaj pòow/.

28. /(tuuk) pok caaj/​dūk puk cāy ​‘lighter, harbor boat’. K. /​tuuk/​‘small boat’ + Sw. pò? câj (駁載) ​‘to transship, transfer cargo or passengers’, = Ct. pók chói, Am. po? cāi, H. pok tsòi, Mdn. pó tsài.

From the same source comes Th. /(ryǝ) póq cáaj/​rœ’a pauh cāy ​‘lighter’.

29. /​pon/​pun ​‘platform scales, weighing machine’. Am./Hkn. pōn (磅) ​‘pound (weight); decimal scales; to weigh on platform scales ‘, = H. pon, Ct. pón, Mdn. pàn.
30. /​paao/​po ​‘name of a game of chance’. Am./Hkn. pó (寶) ​‘treasure’, = Sw. pô, Ct. pou, Mdn. pǎo.
31. /​paaot/​pot ​‘water vessel, kerosene tin (for water)’. Am. poát ~ poá? (鉢) ​‘earthenware basin, mortar’, Cc. /pòa?/ ​‘fairly large clay waterpot, without lid’, Ct. put, Mdn. pō.

31a. /​paaon/​pon. See /​qaa paaon/.

31b. /​pracɛɛn/​prajēn. See /​cɛɛn/​.

31c./prakriiw/ pragrīv. See /​kkriiw/​.

32. /​praqap/​pra’a’p ’ (small) box’; cf. /​hǝp/​. K. /pra- ~ prɔ -/ ​‘instrumental’, + MNC γap (盒) ​‘lid of a box; small box with cover’ [K 71], › Am./Hkn. áp — a? ​‘small box, case, casket (for precious objects)’, = Sw. ?áp, H. hăp, Ct. hôp, Mdn. hó; › SVN hạp ​‘cassette ronde, boîte ronde’.

From the K. form come Th. /​praqòp/​parah’ap ​‘vessel mounted on a low base and fitted with a cover which is decorated with a fancy tapering tip (used for scented oil or ointment)’ [McF. 506a] and Th. /​phaqòp/​phah’ap ​‘chrismatory cup with base and tapering lip (sometimes used as an urn)’ [McF. 543a].

From a Chinese source appears to come B. /?ou?/ ​‘up ​‘box with conical cover’.

32a. */​prasii/​prasī. See /​phaa sii/.

32b. /​phíiǝn/​bhiǝn. See /​qaa phíiǝn/.

33. /​phèen/​phen ​‘scales for gold (rare)’. Am./Ct. phên (平) ​‘balance, scales’, = H: phîan, Hkn. pên, Mdn. phín ​‘to weigh, as silver; standard weight’.
34. /​phaaɛ/​phē ​‘raft, houseboat; landing-raft, pier’; cf. /​póon píiǝj/​. Probably through Th. /​phɛɛ/​bē ​‘raft, houseboat’ (= Lao /​phɛɛ/​bē ​‘raft’); < Ct. phái (簿) ​‘raft’, = Mdn. phái, H. phâi, Am. phai ~ pai; › SVN bài ​‘grand radeau’ and vVN bè ​‘raft’ [Hoa 15a], ​‘bois ou bambous assemblés et mis à l’eau; train de bois, de bambous’.
35. /​phaaɛn/​phēn ​‘flat surface, plan; slab’. Through Th. /​phɛɛn/​phēn ​‘plan, scheme, representation’ and /​phɛn/​phē’n ​‘surface; numeral classifier for thin, flat objects’ (= Lao /​phɛɛn/​phēn ​‘plan, lay-out, description’ and /​phɛn/​phē’n ​‘numeral classifier for boards, sheets, and the like’, < MNC phien (片) ​‘board, tablet; slip, slice, leaf, sheet; chip, fragment’ [K735], › Am./Hkn. phièn – phìn ​‘flat surface, flat expanse; slice, layer, slab, leaf, tablet (of medicine), (visiting) card’, = Ct. phin, Mdn. phìen; › SVN phiến ​‘fragment, morceau, tablette, feuille de papier, film…, bille (de bois)’ and vVN bàn ​‘niveler le sol’.

From the same source appear to come Th. /​phýyn/​phīn ​‘strip, sheet, piece; numeral classifier for cloth’, Th. /​pɛn/​pēn ​‘to be round and flat’, Th. /​bɛɛn/​pēn ​‘to be flat (as of a pancake, lid, roof)’, Lao /​pɛɛn/​pēn ​‘board’, vVN ván ​‘ais, planche’, and proto-Austronesian /​papan/​(cf. Malay/​Indonesian papan ​‘plank, strake; shelf’).

36. /phaa-/ phā ​‘cloth, stuff, fabric’; cf. /​paw qii/​. Through Th. /​phâa/​phā ​‘cloth’ (= Lao /​phâa/​phā ​‘cloth’), probably through an earlier *bā, < MNC puo(布) ​‘cloth’, › Hkn. pà ​‘cloth’, = Am. pò, Ct. pou, Mdn. pù; › SVN bố ​‘toile’.

Bound form occurring in such compounds as /​phaa dip/​phā dip ​‘raw cotton fabric’ (< Th. /​phâa dìp/​phā tip ​‘unbleached muslin’), /​phaa múuǝn/​phā mwn ​‘unpatterned, colored silk’ (< Th. /​phâa môǝn/​phā ma’van ​‘silk loincloth worn by men’), and /​phaa hum/​phā hum ​‘length of plain, usually pleated, silk gauze formerly worn as woman’s upper garment’ (< Th. /​phâa hòm/​phā ha’m ​‘shawl’). See the next.

37. */​phaa sii/​phā sī ~ */​paa sii/​pā sī ~ */​prasii/​prasī ​‘tax, duty’. Through Th. /​phaa sǐi/​bhā sī (sic) ​‘tax, tariff, duty’ (= Lao /​pháa sǐi/​bhā sī ​‘tax, duty; (government) revenue’), < Cc. /​pháa sīi/​布絲) ​‘calico [and] silk, formerly used in payment of taxes’, = Hkn. pà si, Am. pòsi, Ct. pou si, Mdn. pù sǝ.
38. /​phaak/​phāk ​‘to fine, penalize, impose an indemnity’. Probably through Am./Hkn. *phaa? for hoat (罰) ​‘to fine, impose a penalty’, = Ct. fât, H. făt, Mdn. fá; › SVN phat ​‘to punish, penalize, fine’.

From the same source appear to come Th. /​pràp/​parãp ​‘to fine’ and Lao/​páp/​pãp ​‘to fine’, with a different final.

39. /​phaaw/​phāv ​‘fireworks, firecracker’. Am./Hkn. phàu (炮) ​‘gun, can- non, artillery; bomb, shell, rocket, explosives’, Ct. phầu, H. pháo, Mdn. phào.
40. /​phaaj/​phāy ​‘to gallop’. Am./Hkn./Ct. pháu (跑) ​‘to run, gallop’, = H. phāo, Mdn. pháo.

For the replacement of the final semivowel see the next.

41. /(qaaw) phaaj/​‘āv phāy ​‘embroidered robe worn on ceremonial occasions (by bridegroom or officials)’. K. /​qaaw/​‘upper garment’ + Am./Hkn. phàu (袍) ​‘long robe or gown’, H. phâu, Ct. phou, Mdn. pháo.

For the replacement of the final semivowel see item 40.

42. /​phýyək/​phiak ​‘to be albino’. Through Th. /​phýǝk/​phœ’ak ​‘to be white (in special senses), albino’ (= Lao/​phýǝk/​phœ’ak ​‘to be white, albino’), probably ‹ MNC bh^k (白) ​‘white’ [K 685] (but note Sino-Japanese byaku alongside haku, pointing to a MNC variant *bhj^k), Am. pie? – pe?, Hkn. pe?, Ct. pák, Mdn. pái — pǝ — pó.
43. /​phýn/​phin (joiner’s) centimeter’. SVN phân (分)‘partager, diviser; un centième (mesure de poids, de longueur, de monnaie), un centimètre; fraction, partie’ [Gouin 1025b],’ ​‘hundredth; centimeter, centigram, percent [of interest)’ [Hoa 343a]; ‹ MNC pjuǝn ~ bhjuǝn [K 29], › Am. hun — pun, Hkn. pun, Ct. fân, Mdn. fǝn ​‘to divide; hundredth of a tael or ounce; one tenth’.

For the K. ​‘vowel cf. /​týk/​tik ​‘decimeter’, ‹ vVN tấc.

43a. /​phǝw/​bhau. See /​sìiǝw phǝw/.

44. /​phùuǝj/​phwy ​‘blanket, coverlet’. Cc. /​phŭe/​(被) ​‘blanket, cover; coverlet, bedspread, counterpane, quilt; scarf’, = Am. phōe — phī, Hkn. phē, Ct. phei, Mdn. pěi; › SVN bị ​‘couverture’.
45. /​phòoj/​phūy ~ /​phɔɔj/​bhay ​‘grid paper used in 36 Animals lottery’. Am. phoe — phe — phi (批) ​‘carta, epístola, misiva; posdata a un documento; litiscontestación del juez…’ [Pinol 522a, 556a], = Ct. phâi, Mdn. phī; SVN phê ‘…annoter un écrit, soit pour approuver, soit pour rejeter’.

45a. /​phɔɔj/​bhay. See /​phòoj/​.

46. /​phan/​pha’n ​‘dust, powder’. Through Th. /​phôn/​phan ​‘dust, powdery substance’ (= Lao /​phôn/​phan ​‘dust’), ‹ MNC pjuǝn (粉) ​‘rice-flour; powder, dust’ [K29], › Ct. fân, Mdn. fǝn, Am.Hkn. hún; › SVN phằn ​‘amidon, farine, fécule, poudre, fard; poudres minérales’.

Cf. proto-Austronesian/təpun/, e.g. Malay tepong, Indonesian tepung ​‘flour, meal; powder..

47. /​bìia/​piǝ ​‘cowry; shell used as money’; cf. /​pǝj/​. Through Th. /​bîǝ/​pœy ​‘cowrie shell; money’ (= Lao /​bìi/​pī ​‘cowrie’); ‹ MNC puai (貝) cowry, shell (used as) money’ [K 702], Am./Hkn. pè — pòe, etc.

Still used in K. is /​bìiə woət! piə vatsa (ra) ​‘salary’, of which Line latter member reflects Sanskrit vatsara ​‘year’.

48. /​bìia/​pia ​‘playing cards’. Presumably by metathesis ‹ Am./Hkn. pâi (牌)‘playing cards’, = Cc. /​pái/​, H. phâi, Ct./Mdn. phái; › SVN bài ​‘playing card, card’.

From the same source come Th. /​phâj/​bai ​‘playing cards’, Lao /​phàj/​bal ​‘playing cards’, and B. /hpe:/ phai ​‘playing cards’.

49. /​baaɛn/​pēn ​‘to thresh (with feet)’. Conjecturally, an older loan ‹ MNC pjɛn (鞭) ​‘whip; to whip’ (K 732], › Am. pien ~ pin ​‘whip, lash; to whip, lash, flog, thrash, beat’, Hkn. pin, Ct. pin, Mdn. pīen; › SVN biên ~ tiên ​‘rotin, fouet, cravache; baguette, tige; rotiner’. 

Cf. M. /​pin/​pin ​‘to thresh, with a stick or by trampling with one’s feet’.

50. /​baaɛr/​pēr ​‘to turn, change direction’. Through earlier overcorrect Th. *pēr ~ per › modern Th. /​been/​pen ​‘to turn (away), swerve, change direction, deviate’ (= Lao /​bìin/​pīn ​‘tourner, retourner d’un autre côté’), ‹ MNC pjwɛn (變) ​‘to change, transform; revolution’ [K 590], › Ct. pin ​‘to change, alter; to turn away, deviate’, = Hkn. piàn, Am. pièn, Mdn. pìen; › SVN biến ​‘se métamorphoser, changer, s’esquiver, se sauver’.
51. /​baaw/​pāv ​‘large jute bag for rice’; cf. /​paaw/​and /​paw/​. SVN bao (包)‘envelope, bag, pack’ [Hoa 10b], ‘…sac, enveloppe, boîte, cosse’ [Gouin 50b], ‹ MNC pau ​‘to wrap up, bundle, envelop, contain…’ [K 695].

51a.*/bùuǝj/ pwy. See /​kìiam bùuǝj/.

52. /​bòok/​pūk ​‘to plaster, smear, lay on thick’; cf. /​bampóok/​. Am./Hkn. boa? (抹) ​‘to smear, daub, plaster, wipe over, obliterate’, = Am. boat, Ct. mát — mut, Mdn. mô; › SVN mạt ​‘effacer, essuyer, frotter, oindre’.

From the same source comes Th. /​póq/​pauh ​‘to pile on (thickly) (as paint, plaster…)’.

53. /​bampóok/​pambok ​‘to plaster, smear thickly’; cf. /​bòok/​. K. /baN- ~ puN-/ ​‘factive aspect’ + */-póok/, apparently a literary variant of /​bòok/​.
54. /​bankii/​pangī ​‘basket with handles for carrying dirt’. Am. pùn ki (糞箕) ​‘dirt basket, dung basket’, = Sw. pùn kǐ, H. pùn (póun) kī, Ct. fân kei, Mdn. fǝn cī.

From the same source come Th. and Lao /​pûn kǐi/​pun kī ​‘dirt basket’.

55. /​mii/​mī ​‘noodles, vermicelli’. Cc. /​mìi/​(麵) ​‘wheat flour; noodles’, = Am./Hkn. mī, Am. biēn, Sw. mîn, H. mien, Mdn. mìen; › SVN miên ​‘farine de céréales’.

From the same source come Th. /​mìi/​hamī ​‘noodles’, Lao /​mīi/​hmī ​‘noodles’ and /​mīan/​hmiǝn ​‘wheat’, Iban mi ​‘noodles’, and Malay mami ​‘noodles’. Note also Tagalog bami and Javanese bakmi, suggestive of Sw. bà? mîn ​‘pork noodles’ [Eg. 17].

56. /​mii sùuǝ/​mī sw ​‘cellophane noodles (Japanese harusame), ​“long rice,” long translucent vermicelli made from the starch of ground mung beans’; cf. /​mii/​. Cc. /​mìi sùa/​(麵線) ​‘thread noodles’, = Am./Hkn. mī soàn, Ct. min sin, H. mien sién, Mdn. mìen çìen.

56a.*/maaɛ/ mē. See /​tan maaɛ/.

57. /​maw/​mau ​‘to bargain or contract for by lot or in bulk’. Ct. mâu (買)‘to barter, trade, exchange, buy and sell, engage in business’, = Mdn. mào, Am. bau? ~ bō; › SVN mậu ​‘échanges commerciaux, acheter’.

From the same source come Th. and Lao /​mǎw/​hamo and hmo ​‘to contract for work; to buy or sell as a whole (rather than by the piece)’.

57a.*/maj/mai. See /​sii maj/.

58. /(týk) mýk/​dik mik ​‘ink (regionalism)’. K. /​týk/​‘water; liquid, fluid’ + Th. /​mýk/​hamik ​‘ink’ (= Lao/​myk/​mik ~ /​mək/​mœk ​‘ink’), ‹ MNC mək (墨) ​‘black; ink’ [K 68], › Ct. mâk, H. mét (sic), Mdn. mə — mò, Hkn. bak, Am. bak — biek; › SVN mặc ~ mạc ​‘encre de Chine; noir’ and vVN mực ​‘encre de Chine noire, encre en général, encre de charpentier…’ (› Sedang mak – mâk — mok — môk ‑môak13).

This form may have been borrowed simultaneously from Thai by Khmer literati and from Chinese by lay folk. Cf. pidgin maw [mɔ.] ​‘ink’. See next.

59. /(trǝǝj) mýk/​trī mik ​‘cuttlefish, sepia; squid’; cf. /​jii hýy/​. Replacement of K. /​trǝǝj/​‘fish’ for vVN cá ​‘fish’ or con ​‘creature’ + vVN (cá or con) mực ​‘seiche’ (Gouin 844a), calque of SVN mặc ngư(墨魚) ​‘seiche’ [Gouin 799b]; ‹ MNC mǝk njwo [K 68, 1332], › Ct. mâk jy, H. mét n, Mdn. mǝ jý, Am./Hkn. bak hî.

From Chinese also come Th. /(plaa) mỳk/​‘cuttlefish (Sepia); squid’ and Lao / (paa) mýk/​‘cuttlefish’, with Th. /​plaa/​and Lao /​paa/​‘fish’.

60. /​mǝw/​mau ​‘fiber used in making cordage’. Am. moâ ~ mô (麻or蔴) ​‘hemp, abacá, jute, flax, sisal, etc.; sacking, sackcloth, burlap, linen’, = Hkn. môa, H. mâ, Ct./Mdn. má; › SVN ma ​‘chanvre, nom de plusieurs plantes textiles’.
61. /​múuǝk/​mwk ​‘hat, cap’. Presumably through Th. /​mùək/​hamavak ​‘hat, cap’ (= Lao mùǝk/​hmavak); ultimately ‹ OC mǝgw (帽) ​‘headpiece’, › MNC mau, › Ct. mou, H. mó, Mdn. mào, Hkn. bō, Am. bā; › SVN mạo ​‘bonnet, chapeau, couvercle’ and vVN mũ ​‘bonnet, couvre-chef, chapeau, couronne’.

From Chinese also comes B. /hkamau?/ khamok ​‘hat’, of which the prior syllable is unexplained. Cf. pidgin mowdza ​‘hat’.

62. */(qaa) múuǝj/​‘ā mwy ​‘term of address used of Chinese or Sino-Cambodian girls’; cf. /​qaa/​. Am. muāi mũi (妹) ​‘younger sister; maid, damsel’, = Ct. mui, Sw. mûen, Mdn. mèi, Hkn. bē; › SVN muội ​‘sœur cadette’.

From the same source come Th../(qaa) mûǝj ​‘ā ma’vay ​‘younger sister; Chinese girl’ and Lao / (qaa) mûǝj ​‘ā hmavay ​‘little sister’.

63. /​mon/​mun ​‘Chinese or Vietnamese tomb’. Am. bōn (墓) ​‘grave, tomb, sepulcher; mound, tumulus’, = Am./Hkn. bō, Ct. mou, H. moú, Mdn. mù; › SVN mộ ~ mồ ​‘tertre, tombe, tombeau, sépulcre’. The immediate source of the K. form is probably another dialect.
64. /​msèew/​msev ~ /​rumsèew/​ramsev ​‘gunpowder’; cf. /​msaw/​. K. /m- ~ rum-/, + Ct. siu (硝) ​‘potassium or sodium nitrate, niter, saltpeter; gunpowder’, = H. siāo, Mdn. çiāo ~ siāo, Am. siau; › SVN tiêu ​‘nitre, salpêtre’.

From the same source comes Th. /(din) prasǐw/​tin parahsiv ​‘saltpeter, niter’, ostensibly with K. /pra-/.

65. /​msaw/​msau ​‘powder; flour, meal’; cf. /​msèew/​. Am. siau [糖尾] ​‘gunpowder, powder’, = H. siāo, etc., as in item 64.
66. /​tii/​dī ​‘place, locality, spot’. Through Th. /​thîi/​dī ​‘place; space, room’ (= Lao /​thīi/​dī ​‘place’), › MNC dhi (地) ​‘earth, soil; region, territory, locality, area; place, position, situation’ [Κ 223], › Mdn. tì, H. thí, Am. tē, Ct. tei, Hkn. tōe; from OC dhia [GSR 4b] comes SVN dia ​‘terre, terrain, lieu, région’.

From the same Chinese source presumably comes B. /​di/​dī ​‘this place, here’.

67. */​tii/​dī ​‘ordinal numeral marker’. Through Th. / thîi / dī ​‘bound stem used with numerals to form ordinals’ (= Lao thíi/​(sic) dī ​‘ordinal numeral marker’), ‹ MNC dhiei (第) ​‘order, series, sequence; class, degree’ [K 985], Mdn. tì, H. thí, Am./Hkn. tē, Ct. tâi; › SVN đệ ​‘degré, ordre, rang’, replaced as ordinal marker by SVN thứ (永).
68. */(qaa) tii/​‘ā dī ​‘term of address used of Chinese boys’; cf. /​qaa/​. Cc./tǐi/(弟) ​‘younger brother; boy, pupil’, = Sw. tǐ, Hkn. tī, Am. tī — tē, Mdn. tì, Ct. tâi. 

From the same source comes Th. / (qaa) tǐi/​‘ā tī ​‘younger brother’.

69. /​tiiw/​dīv ​‘tally-stick (for measuring rice)’. Am. tîu (籌) ​‘tally, counter, chit, ticket’, = Sw. tíw, Ct. châu, Mdn. chóu; › SVN trù ​‘baguette pour compter ou tirer le sort’.

From the same source comes Th. / tîw / tiv ​‘tally stick, fortune stick’ [Eg. 162], ​‘short, flat, bamboo sticks used by the Chinese in fortune-telling; chips; tally sticks (used when counting baskets of paddy, etc.); counters (used in games)…’ [McF. 367b].

70. */​tìia/​tiǝ ​‘father (term of address among Chinese and Sino-Cambodians)’; cf. /​laao tíiǝr/​. Cc. /​tīiǝ/​(爹) ​‘father’, = Am./H. tia, Sw. tǐa, Ct. té, Mdn. tiē; › SVN cha ​‘père’, › vVN cha ~ tía ​‘père’ [Gouin 228a, 1239b].

From the same source come Th. /​tìǝ/​and Lao/​tīǝ/​‘father’.

71. /​tìia ciiw/​tia jīv ​‘Ch’áo-chōu; member of the Ch’áo-chōu congregation or dialect group’. Cc. /​tìiǝ cīǝw/​(潮州) ​‘Ch’ao-chōu’, = Hkn. tiâu ciu, Ct. chiu câu, Mdn. cháo cōu ~ cháo cēo; › SVN triều châu.

From the same source come Th. /​tɛɛ ciiw/​and Lao /​tɛɛ chǐw/.

72. /(pteǝh) tìiǝm/​phdah tiǝm ~ */ (pteǝh) tíiǝm/​phdah dām ​‘Chinese shop, store run by Chinese’. Am./Hkn./Sw. tiàm (店) ​‘shop, store; inn, tavern’, = H. tíam, Ct. tim, Mdn. tìen; › SVN diếm ​‘magasin, auberge, poste’, › vVN tiệm ​‘magasin, maison du jeu, échoppe, bastringue’.

From the same source comes Th. /(roon) tíǝm/​‘opium den’ [Eg.160].

73. /​tíiǝn/​diǝn ​‘candle, taper’. OK dyan *[di.ǝn – ti.ǝn] ​‘candle, taper’, beyond which the direction of borrowing is decidedly unclear. Ultimately referable to MNC tiem (點) ​‘black point, small spot; to apply the point of a wick to fire, = to light’ [K 1162], › Am./Hkn. tiám ​‘dot; to light’, = H. tiàm, Mdn. tiěn, Ct. tim; › SVN điểm ​‘point, … allumer’. But cf. Old Th. (1292) dayan *[di.ǝn – thi.ǝn], › modern Th. /​thiǝn/​dœyan ​‘candle’ (= Lao/​thíǝn/​diǝn ​‘cierge, chandelle’); vVN dền ​‘lampe, lanterne, chandelle’ and nên ​‘chandelle, cierge’; and Palaung/​teen/​‘candle’. Note also Malay/​Indonesian dian ​‘candle; kerosene lamp’; Iban dian ​‘taper, candle’; Atjinese diën ​‘candle’; Cham/​djan — djǝn/​‘cierge, bougie, chandelle’; and Bintulu /​dǝzan/​(for earlier */​dǝjan/​) ​‘candle’. The relationship with M. /​den/​pden — den ​‘to light, kindle, be lit by’ and Th./Lao/taam/tām ​‘to light’ is uncertain.
74. /​tìiǝn/​tiǝn /​tíiǝn/​diǝn ​‘string (ligature) of 60 copper cash (obsolete)’; cf. /​cii/​. Through SVN tiền ​‘sapèque, monnaie, argent, dixième partie de l’ancienne ligature valant soixante sapèques’, ‹ MNC dzhien (錢) copper coin, cash, money, ounce, ​“nace,” tenth of a tael’ [K 1072], › H. tshiên, Mdn. tshíen — chíen, Ct. chin, Am. ciên — cîn, Hkn. cîn.

74a. /​tíiǝw/​dāv. See /​kuj tíiǝw/.

74b.*/tíiǝr/diǝr. See /​laao tíiǝr/.

74c. /​tèen/​ten. See /​law tèen/.

75. /​taaɛ/​tē ​‘tea’. Hkn. tê (茶)‘tea’, = Am. tê — châ, Ct./Mdn. chá, H. tshâ, all ‹ MNC Jha [K 1322]; › SVN trà ​‘thé’, › vVN chè ​‘thé’.

From the same source come Th. /​chaa/​jā and Lao /​sáa/​sa, and the name of the beverage in most other languages of the world.

76. */​taaɛ líiǝw/​tē lāv (Chinese) tea-cakes’; cf. / taaɛ /. Am./Hkn. tê liāu (茶料) ​‘things taken with tea’, = H. tshâ liâu, Mdn. chá liào, Ct. chá liu.
77. */​taaj paan/​tāy pān ​‘businesswoman who doubles as procuress’. Ct. tái pán (大班) ​‘head of a firm, manager’, = H. thái pān, Am. toā pan, Mdn. tà pān.

From the same source comes Lao /​tāaj pàn/​tāy pãn ​‘Chinese merchant’. Cf. pidgin tai-pan.

78. */ taaj siiw/​tāy sīv ​‘game of chance played with dice shaken in a box’. Presumably Ct. tái siu (大小) ​‘large and/​or small, more or less, much or little’, = Am. Tāi (toā) siáu, Mdn. tà çiăo (siăo).

Believed in to be a very recent loan.

79. /​tan/​tāmn ​‘stool; steps, ladder’. Possibly through Th. /​tàn/​tãn ​‘stool, bench’ (= Lao /​tān (qìi)/ tãn’ī ​‘stool, seat’, ‹ ct. tân (凳 or 椅) ​‘stool, bench; tabouret’, = Mdn. tǝn, Am. ten, H. tén (sic); › SVN dăng ​‘banc, escabeau, tabouret, marche(pied)’ (cf. vVN thang ​‘escalier, échelle, degré, cadre avec traverses’).
80. /​tan/​tāmn. See /​kantan/​.
81. /​tan maaɛ/​tāmn mē ​‘palm-sugar caramel candy’; cf. /​tan sin/​. Conjecturally, through Th. /​tan mee/​tãn me ​‘caramel, toffy’, ‹ Cc. /​thń bué/​(桔尼) ​‘caramel’, = Am. thn bóe — tôn bí, Hkn. thn bé, ct. thón mei, Mdn. thán wěi.

However, the Th. form, or at least /​mee/​, may have a Mon-Khmer source; cf. OM tanglāy /​tanglay/​‘molasses’, Riang tam² lai2 ​‘molasses’, Wa mé2 ​‘molasses’, Palaung ramɛ — lamɛ and T’èng kǝlmê ​‘sugar cane’.

82. */​tan chaaj/​tāmn chāy ​‘finely chopped pickled greens (cabbage, mustard, leek, radish)’. Cc. /​tān chàj/​(冬菜) ​‘preserved mustard greens’, = Am./Hkn. tan chài, Ct. tôn chói, Mdn. tūn tshài.

From the same source comes Lao / tān sáaj/​tãn sāy ​‘vegetables pickled in brine’.

83. /​tan qaao/​tāmn ​‘o ​‘kind of dark-leaved parsley’. Am. tan a chài (冬季欧芹) ​‘winter parsley’, = Ct. tôn hou chói, Mdn. tūn hāo tshài.

From the same source come Th. /​tân qoo/​tãn ​‘au ​‘celery’ [McF. 358b and Eg. 163, who writes 地酒] and Lao / tan goo/​tãn ​‘au ​‘parsley’. [probably 茼蒿 tong hao, kh តាំងឪ, crowned chrysanthemum, edible leaves]. 

84. */​tan sin/​tāmn sin ​‘sugar candy’; cf. /​tan maaɛ/​. Am./Hkn. thn sn (糖結) ​‘crystallized sugar, candy’, = Ct. thón seón, Mdn. thán şūan.
85. /​taw/​tau ​‘rice bushel’. Am. táu — tó (斗) ​‘bushel, peck’, = Ct. tâu, Mdn. tou, H. tèou (‹ MNC tǝu ​‘peck measure; dipper’ [K 1014]; ›) SVN dầu ​‘boisseau, décalitre, récipient, objet en forme de boisseau’. Cf. /​kaa taw/.
86. /​taw/​tau ​‘dice’. Am./Hkn. tâu (骰) ​‘dice’, = Am. tô, Sw. táw, Ct. thâu, Mdn. thóu ~ théo.

From the same source come Th. /​tăw/​to and Lao /​taaw/​tāy.

86a. /​taw/​tau. See /​kaa tau/.

86b.*/taw/ tau. See /​haao lan taw/.

87. /​taw khòow/​tau khūv ​‘wholesale house’. Conjecturally, Cc. /​tàw khò/​(頭庫) ​‘head storehouse, main warehouse’, = Am. thâu khò, Mdn. thóu khù, Ct. thâu fu; SVN đầu khô.
88. */(týk) taw qiiw/​dik tau ​‘Īv ​‘soy sauce’; cf. /​sii qiiw/​. K. /​týk/​‘water; liquid, fluid’ + Am./Hkn. tāu iû [豆油 or 荳油] ‘(soy) bean sauce’, = Ct tâu jâu, H. théou jôu, Mdn. tòu jú; › SVN dầu du ​‘huile de haricots’. Cf. items 89, 90, 111. 

From the same source comes Lao /​tāw qìw/​to ​‘iv ​‘soy sauce’.

88a. /​taw sùuǝn/​tau swn. See /​taw soǝn/.

89. */​taw soen/​tau sā’n — /​taw sùuǝn/​tau swn ~/​taw sɔɔn/​tau san ​‘kind of sweet porridge made of beans’. Perhaps through Th. /​tâw sùǝn/​to sa’van ​‘sweet bean porridge’ (= Lao /​tāw sūan/​to sa’van ​‘bean porridge’), Cc./ tāw sòa — tāw sòǝn (草散) ​‘bean mush’, = Hkn. tāu sòan, Am. tāu sòan — tāu sàn, Ct. tâu sán, Mdn. tòu sàn. Cf. items 88, 90, 111.

89a. /​taw sɔɔn/​tau san. See /​taw soǝn/.

90. /​taw huu/​tau hū ​‘bean curd, white cake of soybean purée’. Cc. /​taw hùu/​(荳腐) ​‘bean curd’, = Am. tāu hū, Sw. tâu hû, Ct. tâu fu, Mdn. tòu fu, H. théou fóu; › SVN đậu phụ ​‘fromage de soja’.

From the same source come Th. /​tâw hûu/​to hū and Lao /​tāw hùu/​to hū ​‘bean cake, bean curd’. Cf. items 88, 89, 111.

91. */​taj kon/​tai kun ~ */​thaj kon/​thai kun ​‘helmsman, steersman, pilot Am. tāi kon (舵工) ​‘helmsman’, = Ct. thó kôn, Mdn. tò (thò) kūn; › SVN đà công ​‘timonier’.

Distinguish Th. /​tâj kon/​‘captain of a Chinese ship’ [Eg. 146], attributed to Sw. tăj kon (大公) ​‘great prince, big man, = master, skipper’.

92. /​tým/​dim ​‘to stew a stuffed fowl; stewed stuffed fowl’. Cc. /​tīm/​(燖) ​‘to cook or warm up in a covered pan; to simmer, stew, brown; to boil’, = Am. tīm, Mdn. çín — sín — chín; › SVN tầm ​‘bouilli, tiède, ébouillanter’.
93. /​tǝj/​dai ​‘bag, pouch, wallet’. Perhaps through vVN đãy ​‘besace, bourse, gibecière, sachet’ or tải ​‘sac’, ‹ SVN đại (袋) ​‘sac, cassette, enveloppe, étui’; ‹ MNC dhai ​‘bag, sack; pocket; envelop’ [K 960], Am. tái — tē, Hkn. tē, Ct. tái — tói, Mdn. tài.
94. tuu/​dū ​‘cupboard, (clothes) press, wardrobe, cabinet’. Am./Hkn. tû (廚 and variants) ​‘cupboard, wardrobe’, = Sw. tú, Mdn. chú, H. tshôu, Ct. chy; › SVN trù ​‘armoire, carquois’, › vVN tử ​‘armoire, bahut, buffet, commode, étagère’.

From the same source come Th. /​tûu/​tū and Lao /​tuu/​tū ​‘cupboard, cabinet’.

95. /​tuu/​dū ​‘stake (in gambling), bet, wager’. Am. tù — tò (賭) ​‘to game, gamble; to bet, stake, risk’, = Mdn. tŭ, H. tòu, Ct. tou; › SVN đô ​‘to gamble’ [Hoa 138b], ​‘jouer à l’argent, défi, parier, risquer’ [Gouin 440b], › vVN đô ​‘to dare, defy, challenge’ [Hoa 138a), ​‘parier, défier, provoquer’ [Gouin 441b].

From the same source comes Lao /​tuu/​tū ​‘to draw (a card); hand (of cards)’.

96. /​tùuǝ/​tw ​‘bill, invoice’. Sw. tuan (單) ​‘paper, document, list, invoice, bill, cheque, note, chit; card, ticket’, = Am. toan ~ tan, Hkn. toan, Ct. tán, Mdn. tān; › SVN đan ​‘feuille de papier, requête’, › vVN đon ​‘feuille de papier, écrite’.

From the same source come Th. and Lao /​tŭǝ/​tāv ​‘slip, chit; ticket’.

97. /​túuǝn/​dwn ​‘satin’. Possibly through Th. /​tùǝn/​tavan ​‘satin’, ‹ Am. Toān (緞)‘satin’, = Mdn. tùan, H. thón, Ct. tyn; › SVN đoan ​‘satin’.
98. /​tun/​dun ​‘stock, reserves, capital’. Am./Hkn. tún (囤) ​‘to store up (as in a warehouse); store, stock; bin for grain’, = Sw. tŭn, Mdn. tùn — thún, Ct. thyn; › SVN độn ​‘grand panier pour céréales’.

From the same source comes Th. /​tun/​tun ​‘to stock up, hoard’. Cf. Lao/​thýn/​din ​‘stock, hoard’, which appears to reflect Ct.

99. */tun-/ da’n- ​‘copper; gold’. Th. /​thɔɔn/​da’an ​‘gold’ (= Lao / thɔɔn/​da’an ​‘copper’), ‹ MNC dhun (銅) ​‘copper; bronze, brass’ [K 1150], › Am. tân ~ tôn, Hkn. tân, Ct. thôn, Mdn. thún; › SVN đồng ​‘cuivre, monnaie’.

Bound form occurring in /​tun daaɛn/​da’n tēn ​‘copper’ (› Th. /​thɔɔn dɛɛn/​), /​tun wíiǝ/​da’n vā ​‘gold plate’, and a few other loans.

100. /​ton/​tun ​‘host’s or house’s percentage of take in gambling, Mdn. thóu şŭi (頭水)’. Sw.ton (中) ​‘to collect money in gambling’ [Eg. 166], presumably short for Mdn. cūn fèi (中野) ‘(to pay or receive) middle-man’s (broker’s, banker’s, host’s) fee’; hence = Am./Hkn. tion, Ct. côn, Mdn. cūn; › SVN trung ​‘milieu, centre…’ [should be 牌]

From the same source come Th. and Lao /​ton/​tan ​‘fee that banker or croupier collects from winner in gambling’ [McF. 339b] and Lao / ton/​tan ​‘gambling house’s percentage of take’.

101. /​toq/​tu ​‘table’. Am./Hkn. to? (桌or棹) ​‘table, tabouret, stand’, = Sw. tò?, Cc. /tɔ?/, H. tsôk, Ct. céok, Mdn. cō ~ cūo; › SVN trác ​‘petite table’. 

From the same source come Th. /​tóq/​tauh and Lao /​tōq/​tauh ​‘table, desk’.

102. /​toǝt/​dā’t ​‘to kick, propel with point of foot’; cf. /​theǝk/​. Am./ Hkn. that (踢) ​‘to kick’,= H. thêt, Cc. /​thàk/​, Ct. thêk, Mdn. thī; › SVN tích ​‘frapper avec le pied’ and đường ​‘heurter du pied…’

From the same source comes Lao /​téq/​teh ​‘to kick’.

103. /(sǝn) taao/​sin(ha) to ​‘Chinese lion image’; the element /​sǝn/​is nonobligatory. Th. /​sǐn too/​sin tau — sin(ha) tau ​‘Chinese lion representation (in sculpture or ceremony)’ (= Lao /​sin too/​sin tau ​‘the great lion’); ‹ Th. /​sǐn/​‘lion’, ‹ Sanskrit simha (cf. Pali sīha) ​‘lion’, + Mdn. tà (大) ​‘big, large, great, grand’ or Am. toā ~ tāi, = Hkn. tōa, Ct. tái; › SVN đại.

Cf. B. /​to/​to ​‘to be great, grand’, restricted to divine and royal referents.

103a. /​taao/​to. See /​pan taao/.

104. /​taap/​tap ​‘to answer’. Through Th. /​tɔɔp/​ta’ap ​‘to answer’ (= Lao /​tɔɔp/​ta’ap ​‘to answer’), ‹ MNC tap (答) ​‘to answer, pay back’ [K 954], › Cc./tàp/, Am./Hkn. tap, Ct. táp, H. tâp, Mdn. tá; › SVN đáp. 104a. /​tkìiǝp/​thkiǝp. See /​kìiǝp/​.
105. /​tjuun/​dhyūn ~ */​kjuun/​khyūn (colloquial) ​‘charcoal’. The K. form presupposes a Chinese *thiùn, which cannot be confirmed: MNC than (炭) ​‘coal, charcoal’ [K 117], › Am. thoàn — thàn, Hkn. thòan, Ct./H. thán,Mdn. thàn; › SVN thán, › vVN than.

From the same source come Th. /​thàan/​thān ​‘charcoal’ and Lao /​thāan/​thān ​‘charcoal’.

106. /​tran/​tra’n ​‘to be straight, direct, true’, cited by Gorgoniev as a loan into Mon-Khmer. Conjecturally, Th. /​tron/​taran ​‘to be straight, direct, honest, upright, accurate’, ‹ OC cjen (正) or MNC tsjɛn ​‘straight; right, correct; exact, just’ [GSR 833j, K 1198] (› Am. cièn — cian, Ct. cên, Mdn. cǝn; › SVN chính), › vVN thăng ​‘droit, en droite ligne’ [Gouin 1339a] and thẳng ​‘droit, direct, juste, raide, sans interruption’ [Gouin 1340a].

Cf. Bahnar /​tan ~ nan/​‘to be straight’ and Tibetan /​dron — kron/​‘straight, direct; erect, upright’ and /​kran/​‘to straighten, erect’ (all cited by Gorgoniev), as well as B. /​hpyaun/​phron ​‘to be straight’.

From the same source appear to come Thai /​thîǝn/​dœyan ​‘to be accurate, precise; … just, noon’ and Lao/​thīǝn/​diǝn ​‘vrai, juste, ferme, constant’.

107. /​theǝk/​dhā’k ​‘to kick, stomp (with sole of foot); to operate (machine, bicycle) with foot or feet’; cf. /​toǝt/​. Cc. /​thàk/​(踢) ​‘to kick’, = Ct. thêk, Am./Hkn. that, H. thêt; Mdn. thī; › SVN tích.

Attributed by VK to Pāli dhaka (sic) ​‘to destroy, annihilate’. From the same Chinese source comes Lao /​téq/​teh ​‘to kick’.

107a. */​thaaɛ thaaw/​thē thāv. See /​chaj thaaw/. *

107b. */​thaaw/​thāv. See /​chaj thaaw/.

108. /​than/​thāmn ​‘bucket, tub’; cf. /​thun/​. Hkn. thán (桶) ​‘bucket, pail, tub; barrel, keg, cask, drum’, = Am. thán ~ thón, Ct. thôn, H. thòun, Mdn. thŭn; › SVN thông ​‘baquet, seau, tuyau’.

From the same source come Th. and Lao / thăn/​thãn ​‘bucket, pail, barrel’ and, possibly, B. /​tin/​tan ​‘basket, pannier’.

108a. */​than/​thāmn. See /​paa than kòo/.

108b. /​thaw/​thau. See /​puu thaw/

109. /​thaw kaaɛ/​thau kē ​‘head of a shop; shopkeeper, tradesman’. Cc. /​thàw kɛɛ/​(頭家) ​‘head of a house or family, head man, boss’, = Am./Hkn. thâu ke, Sw. tháu kě, Ct. thâu ká, Mdn, thóu сīа. [kh ថៅកែ thawke, ​‘boss’, ​‘business owner’, ​‘shopkeeper’]

From the same source come Th. /​thâw kěe — thâw kee/​tho ke ​‘Chinese contractor; headman among Chinese workmen’ [McF. 392a], Lao /​thâw kɛɛ/​‘boss’, and Th. /​thâw kɛɛ/​dho kē ’ (marriage) go-between; procuress; elderly, wealthy Chinese man; elder; Chinese head-man or contractor; woman palace guard’ [Eg. 178; McF. 317b; Haas 161a). Cf. pidgin towkay and see /​dankhaw/​.

110. /​thaw lỳn/​thau lin ​‘length of cloth for wrapping up small articles, tied around the waist in lieu of a purse or bag’. Cc. /​thàa nýn — thàa nǝǝn/​(帶銀) ​‘waistband for money’, = Ct. tái nân, Hkn. tòa gûn Am. toà gîn — tài gîn, Mdn. tài jín.

For the initial of K. / lỳn / note such alternations as Am. gíu — líu (扭) and nî — liên(年).

110a. */​thaj kon/​thai kun. See /​taj kon/.

111. /​thùuǝ/​thw/​thúuǝ/​dhw ​‘game of chance played with a cup and pile [Missing part, please check with the cks] H. théou, Mdn. tòu. Cf. items 88, 89, 90.
112. /​thun/​dhun ​‘large barrel’; cf. /​than/​. Mdn. thŭn (桶) ​‘bucket, barrel’, = H. thòun, Ct. thôn, Am. thón ~ thán, Hkn. thán; › SVN thổng ​‘baquet, seau, tuyau’, › vVN thùng ​‘seau, pot, baril, tonneau, trou, broc, tinette’.

Possibly from the same source is proto-Austronesian /​canţin ~ canţun/​: cf. Malay chanting ’ (bamboo or coconut) ladle, dipper, scoop, bucket; metal vessel for melted wax’.

113. /​thòo/​thū ​‘water vessel, jug, carafe, watering-can’. Through Th. /​thoo/​thau ​‘covered jar with wide mouth and narrow base’ (= Lao /​tàw/​to ​‘pot for coffee or tea’), presumably ‹ Am. thó (pân) (土版) ​‘earthenware pot or jar’, Ct. thou phên, Mdn. thŭ phín.
114. /​thaaj/​thay ​‘to ebb, recede, fall back’. The direction of borrowing is decidedly uncertain. Th. /​thɔj/​tha’ay (= Lao / thɔɔj/​tha’ay) ​‘to retreat, fall back, back up’, ‹ MNC thuai (迟) ​‘to retire, withdraw, recede, abate…’ [K 1141], › Am. thòe — thùi, Ct. thôi ~ thui, Mdn. thùi, H. thoúi, Hkn. thè; › SVN thối ~ thoái ​‘se retirer, reculer, céder…’
115. /​daaw/​tāv ​‘sword, saber’. MNC tou (7)) ​‘knife, sword, blade’ [K975], Mdn. tāo, Ct. tou, Am. ta, Hkn. to, H. tō; › SVN đao ​‘couteau, épée, armes’, › vVN dao (sic) ​‘couteau, épée, glaive’. [土盤?]

From the same source comes Th. /(mîit) tôo/​mīt tau ​‘hacking knife’, while Th. /​taaw/​tāv ​‘sword, long knife’ may come immediately from Khmer; Th. /​dàap/​tāp ​‘sword’ seems to presuppose premodern K. */​daap/​tāb › modern /​daaw/​. Cf. also Cham/​daw/​‘sabre, épée’ (presumably ‹ SVN); Dayak mandau ​‘war-knife’; and B. /​daa/​thā: ​‘sword, knife’, and perhaps also /​htou :/ thui: ​‘to stab’.

116. /(tuuk) daa/​dūk ta ​‘ferry, ferryboat’. K. /​tuuk/​‘small boat’ + vVN đò ​‘barque affectée aux transports, sampan, bac’, ‹ SVN độ (thuyên) (渡船) ​‘bac’; ‹ MNC dhuo ​‘to cross over, ferry, ford’ [K 1128] (› H. thóu. Ct. tou, Mdn. tù, Am. tō, Hkn. tā).

Also from a Chinese source come Th. /​thâa/​dā and Lao /​thaa/​dā ​‘landing-place, wharf’.

117. /​dap/​ta’p ​‘ten’. OK tap * [tɔp — ?dɔp] ​‘ten’, a patent intrusion into the Mon-Khmer number system (cf. Bahnar, Kaseng, Phnong, Sedang, Stieng, Sué [Jɛt — Jit]; Curu, Halang [Jiǝt — Jat]; Kuy [čət — khčɔt]; OM cas/​cɔs/​, modern M. /​cɔh/​cah); ultimately referable to OC Jyǝр (+) ​‘ten’ [GSR 686], › MNC Zyǝp [K 876], › Taiwanese tsǝp, Ct. sập, Am./Hkn. síp — cáp, H. chǐp, Cc. cáp; › SVN thập as well as Th. /​sìp/​sip and Lao /​síp/​sip. See the next.

This attribution was first proposed by Gorgoniev, Khmer Language, 75.

118. /-dandap/ ‑tanta’p ‘-teen, bound form occurring in the formation of numbers from eleven to nineteen’. Analyzable as /​dap/​‘ten’ + /R-/ ​‘reduplication: distributive’ › */​ddap/​‘ten by ten, ten at a time’, + infix /-VN-/ ​‘collective’ › */​dandap/​‘set of ten, ten-series’.

Thus /​bùuǝndandap/​pwn tanta’p ​‘four + ten-series, = fourteen’, /​pram bùuǝndandap/​prām pwn tanta’p ​‘five + four + ten series, = nineteen’, and so forth.

118a. /​dankìiǝp/​tankiǝp. See /​kìiǝp/​.

119. /​donkhaw/​tankhau ​‘head of a commercial house; owner, head man, boss’; cf. /​thaw kaaɛ/​. Am. ton ke (東家) ​‘head of a (business) house, proprietor of a firm; owner, master, employer’, = Am./Hkn. tan ke, Ct. tôn ká, Mdn. tūn cīa; › SVN đồng gia ​‘maître de maison, amphitryon’.
120. . /​níiǝn/​nān ​‘young unmarried lady’. Middle K. /​naan/​nān ​‘lady of quality’, probably through Th. /​naan/​nān ​‘lady, woman’ (= Lao /​náan/​nān ​‘lady, woman’), ‹ MNC njan (嬉) ​‘young lady, woman, mother’ [K 541] (› Mdn. nián, Ct. neon, H. ñiôn, Am. lián — níu, Hkn. nîu); › SVN nương ​‘jeune fille, concubine’, › vVN nàng ​‘appellatif des femmes, jouvencelle…’

Note also Malay nyonya(h) = Indonesian njonja ​‘lady, respected woman; married Chinese or Portuguese lady; queen (in cards)’ and Malay/​Indonesian nona ​‘unmarried European, Chinese, or Westernized girl’, which however may come from Portuguese; see Luigi Santa Maria, I prestiti portoghesi nel malesiano (Napoli: Istituto Orientale di Napoli, 1967), 60, 111, 184.

121. /(dankoow) níiǝn/​tankūv nān ​‘silkworm’. K. /​dankòow/​‘worm, grub’ + Am./Hkn. nîun ~ châm (蠶) [娘仔?] ​‘silkworm’, = Ct. châm, Mdn. tshán; › SVN tàm ​‘vers à soie’, › vVN tăm ​‘Bombyx, ver à soie’.

121a. /​naa/​ņā. See /​khat naa/.

121b. /​nam/​nām. See /​haj nam/.

121c. */​naan/​nan. See /​fuu naan/.

122. /​cii/​jī ​‘a mace or tenth of a tael, now = 3.75 grams’; cf. /​tìiǝn/​. Am./Hkn.chîn (錢) ​‘a mace or tenth of a Chinese ounce’, = Ct. chin, Mdn. chíen — tshíen; › SVN tiền ​‘tenth part of a Chinese ounce’ [Hung, 692b].
123. */​ciiw/​jīv ​‘distilled liquor, alcoholic beverage, spirits’, occurring in/​ceǝk ciiw/​and /​laaw ciiw/​. Cc./Sw. /​cîw/​(酒) ​‘fermented liquor, spirits, wine’, = Am./Hkn. cíu, Mdn. cǐu — tsìu, H. tsiòu, Ct. cau; › (cf. MNC tsjǝu) SVN tửu ​‘boisson fermentée, alcool, vin’.

From the same source come Th. /​cíw/​civ and Lao /​ciw/​civ ​‘alcoholic liquor’.

123a. /​ciiw/​jīv. See /​tìiǝ ciiw/.

124. /​cíiǝn/​jiǝn /​cìiǝn/​cien ​‘to fry (meat, fish)’. Am./Sw. cien (煎) ​‘to fry in fat, oil, butter or sugar’, = Mdn. cīen — tsīen, Hkn. cian, H. tsīen, Ct. cin; › SVN tiên ​‘frire’, › vVN chiên ​‘frire’.

From the same source come Th. /​cǐǝn/​cœyan and Lao /​cyyn/​cīn ​‘to fry in a little fat’; Th. /​ciǝw/​cœyav ​‘to fry in oil’ is unrelated. See the next.

125. /​cíiǝn cúuǝn/​jiǝn jwn ~ /​cìiǝn cùuǝn/​ciǝn cwn ​‘to fry, then boil (fish); fish so prepared’. Am. cien choàn ( 煎煨 ) ​‘to fry (in oil), then simmer’, ‹ cien, as in item 124, + choàn ​‘stove; to cook’, = Ct. chyn, Mdn. tshùan; › SVN thoán ​‘foyer; cruire’.
126. / cíiǝn / jān ​‘skilled workman, artisan, craftsman, ‑worker, ‑wright’. Through Th. /​châan/​jān ​‘artisan, master’ (= Lao /​sāan/​sān ​‘ouvrier, artisan’), ‹ MNC dzhjan (匠) ​‘carpenter; artisan, workman’ [K 385], › Mdn. chìan — tshìan, Ct. ceon; › SVN tượng ​‘artisan, ouvrier’.

Cf. B./the/sañ ​‘one who follows a trade’.

127. /​cih/​jih ​‘to ride’. OK jih *[jih ~ čih] ​‘to ride’, possibly ‹ MNC ghjie (騎) ​‘to ride; astride’ [K 337] (› H. khîa, Am. khiâ ~ khî, Ct. khei ~ khé, Mdn. chí); › SVN kị.

From the same source come Th. /​khìi/​khī ​‘to ride, drive’, Lao /​khīi/​khī ​‘monter sur s’asseoir sur’, and B. /si:/ cī: ​‘to ride’.

128. */​ceǝk/​Jā’k ‘(slang) to eat, drink’. Cc. /cíǝ?/ (食) ​‘to consume, eat, drink, take’, = Sw. cía?, Hkn. cia?, Am. cia? — sít, H. cĭt, Ct. ci — sêk, Mdn. şý; › (cf. MNC dzhjǝk) SVN thực ​‘manger, boire; aliments, solde’ and tự ​‘nourrir; nourriture’. 

From the same source comes Th. /​cíǝq/​cœyah (slang) to eat (something)’ [Haas 125a]. Of Mon-Khmer origin are OK cya *[či.ǝ] ​‘to eat’ (› modern K. sī /​sii/​and /​chǝǝj/​chī), OM ca/ca?/ (› modern M. /cɛ?/ ca), and B. /sa:/ cā:. See the next two items.

129. */​ceǝk pýn/​jā’k bin ‘(slang) to eat rice, have something to eat’. K. /​œǝk/​, item 128, + Cc. /​pn ~ pỳn/(飯) ​‘cooked rice, food’, = Am./Hkn. pn, Am, hoān, Ct./H. fán, Mdn. fàn; › (cf. MNC bhjw^n) SVN phạn ​‘riz cuit, bouillie, repas’ and phản ​‘manger; service de table, repas; donner à manger’.
130. */​ceǝk ciiw/​jāk jīv ‘(slang) to drink wine or spirits, have something to drink’. K. /​ceǝk/​, item 128, + K. /​ciiw/​, item 123.
131. /​cɛɛn/​jēn ~ /​pracɛɛn/​prajēn ​‘to compete, vie’. (K. /pra- ~ prɔ-/ ​‘reciprocal’, +) Hkn. cen (季) ​‘to wrangle; to contend, strive’, = Am. cèn — cien, Mdn, cēn, Ct. cán, H. tsān; › (cf. MNC tşʌn) SVN tranh ​‘lutter, se disputer, rivaliser…’
132. /​сааɛ/​cē ​‘elder sister: term of address used of Chinese women’. Am./ Ct. cé (姐) ​‘elder sister; term of respect for a young woman’, = Sw. cê, Mdn. cǐe; › (cf. MNC tsja) SVN thư ​‘sœur aînée…, jeune fille’.

From the same source come Th. /​cée/​ce and Lao /​cee/​ce ​‘elder sister’. Distinguish MNC tsi (姊) ​‘elder sister’, › H. tsì, Ct. ci, Hkn. cí, Am. cí — cé, Mdn. tsǝ — cǐe; › SVN tỉ ​‘sœur aînée’.

133. */​caaɛn/​cēn ​‘to be bright’. Through Th. /​cɛɛn/​cēn ​‘to be bright, clear’ (= Lao /​cɛɛn/​cēn ​‘to be bright’), probably ‹ MNC tshjɛn (晴) ​”limpid, pure, bright…’ [K 1085], › H. tshiân, Mdn. chín — tshín, Ct. chên, Am./Hkn. chen; › SVN tình ​‘soleil apparaissant, ciel serein, cessation de la pluie’ and vVN tạnh ​‘cessation de la pluie’.

133a. */​caa kwaJ/​cā khvai. See / (num) chaa kwaj/.

134. /​caa hùuǝj/​cā hwy ​‘gelatin, agar-agar’, Presumably, Am. cha hoe — cháu hoa (草花) ​‘grass-flower’, ​‘alteration of Sw. châw kûe (草粿) ​‘grass-fruit’, i.e. ​‘jelly’ [Eg. 38], = Cc. /​chăw kwê/​‘agar-agar’; › Th. /​chăw kúǝj/​cho kavay ​‘an imported Chinese jelly, prepared by boiling portions of a certain vine with sugar’ [McF. 272a].
135. /​caan/​cān ​‘cup, bowl’. MNC tşan (碗) ​‘bowl, cup’ [K 1072], › Mdn. căn, Ct. cán; › SVN trản ​‘assiette, écuelle, coupe, bol’, › vVN chén ​‘coupe, tasse’.

From the same source come Th. and Lao /​caan/​cān ​‘bowl; plate, dish’. Cf. Malay changkir = Indonesian tjangkir ​‘cup, tea-cup, bowl’.

135a. /​caaj/​cāy. See ((tuuk) pok caaj/​and /​qèet caaj/.

136. /​cap chaaj/​cā’p chāy ‘(fried) mixed vegetables; to be haphazard, careless’. Sw. cáp chàj (雜荣) ​‘mixed vegetables’ [Eg. 20], = Ct. cáp chói, Am./Hkn. tsáp chài, H. tshǎp tshói, Mdn. tsá tshài.

From the same source comes Th. càp chàaj/​cãp chāy ​‘mixture of vegetables…’ [McF. 242a, analyzed as ​“ten vegetables” as if from Am. cap or Cc. /​cáp/​]. Cf. Malay/​Indonesian chapchai — tjaptjay.

137. /​cak/​cā’k ​‘to stab, pierce, jab’; cf. /​chak/​. Presumably, Am,/Hkn. chak (鑿) ​‘chisel; to chisel, cut into’, = Ct. cók, Mdn. tsò – tsào – tsùo.

From the same source comes Lao /​sák/​sãk ​‘to pierce, prick’. Cf. proto-Austronesian /​susuk/​‘to stab, thrust’.

138. /(num) can/​nam cāmn ​‘kind of rice cake wrapped in bamboo leaves’, K. /​num/​‘cake, bread’, + Sw./Hkn. càn (粽) ​‘rice dumpling’, = Am, tsàn, Ct. côn, Mdn. tsùn.

From the same source come Th. /​câan/​cān ‘…kind of cake made of glutinous rice, rolled in bamboo leaves and boiled’ [McF. 243b] and vVN (bánh) chưng ​‘gâteau de riz gluant avec viande et haricots’ [Gouin 309b],

139. /​cýyǝ/​jiǝ ​‘to buy or sell on credit; to trust, believe in’. Through Th. /​chyǝ/​jœ’a ​‘to buy or sell on credit, believe (in)’ (= Lao /​syǝ/​sœ’a ​‘to sell on credit, trust’), ‹ MNC ∫ja (賒) ​‘to buy or sell on credit, defer payment; to put off, postpone’ [K 864], › Am./Hkn. sia, H. tshā, Ct. sé, Mdn. şə — şɛ; › SVN xa ​‘commercer, à crédit; …remettre à plus tard…’
140. /​cǝt/​cit ​‘to cut, slice’, Hkn. ciat (切) ​‘to slice, cut into slices, mince’, = Am. chiet, H. tshiệt, Ct. chit, Cc. /cóǝ?/, Mdn. chīe ~ tshīe; › (cf. MNC tshiet) SVN thiết ​‘couper, hacher, retrancher’ and VVN xắt ​‘couper, découper, hacher’.
141. /​cǝn/​cin ​‘China; Chinese’. OK cīna * (čin] (occurring as attributive to certain utensils and implements); ‹ MNC tsjǝn (晉) ​‘name of an ancient state and dynasty’ [K 1079], namely the Chin, A.D. 265 – 317 (Western) and A.D. 317 – 420 (Eastern); › Mdn. cìn — tsìn, Ct. côn — tsùn; › SVN tân. [kh ចិន chen, ​‘type of people originating in China (country) or coming from China to Cambodia CN]

But see Paul Pelliot, ​“Deux itinéraires de Chine en Inde à la fin du viiie siècle,” in BEFEO, IV (1904).1 – 2: 131 – 413, especially 143 – 50; Berthold Laufer, ​“The Name China,” in T’oung Pao, XIII (1912): 719 – 26; and Paul Pelliot, ​“L’origine du nom de ​‘Chine’,” in T’oung Pao, XIII (1912): 727 – 42.

142. */​cǝn cuu/​cin jū ‘(ship) captain, skipper, master’. Am./Hkn, cûn tíun (船長) ​‘master of a ship’, = Cc. /​cūn cêǝn/​, H. con tsòn, Ct. syn ceon, Mdn. chuán chăn.
143. */​cèn laa/​cin lā ~*/​canlaap/​canlāp ​‘Chen-la, old Chinese designation of Cambodia’, Mdn. cǝn là (眞臘), Ct. cân láp; › (cf. MNC t∫jen ljǝp) SVN chân lạp.

The second K. form is obsolete. The first is used in modern history texts with reference to the pre-Angkorian states of the period c. 550 – 802 A.D.

143a. /​cǝn saaɛ/​cin sē. See /​sin saaɛ/.

144. /​cǝncìiǝn/​ciñciǝn ‘(finger) ring’. OK cancyan *[čǝn ​‘či.ǝn] (finger) ring’, presumably a reduction of a full reduplication of *[či.ǝn], ‹ MNC jywɛn (瑗) ​‘large ring of jade’ [K 1343], › Mdn. jỳan, Ct. ?yn.

Cf. Middle Mon lacin ​‘ring’; Malay/​Indonesian chinchin / tjintjin ​‘ring’; and vVN chiên-chiên ​‘anneau’ as well as nhẫn ​‘anneau, bague’.

145. /​cǝncram/​ciñcrām ​‘to chop, hash, mince’. Learned form of colloquial /​cènceǝm/​cinjām, ‹ infix /-VN-/ ​‘processive’ + */​cceǝm/​, the latter ‹ prefix /R-/ ​‘reduplication: frequentative’ + Middle Khmer *[čam]. ‹ Am, càm ~ cām (析) ​‘to chop (up, off), cut (in two, in small pieces), lop’, = Hkn. cām, Ct, cám, Mdn. căn, H. tsēm.
146. /(qaa) cǝk/​‘ā cik ~ / (qaa) suk/​‘ā suk ​‘term of address used of Chinese men’. Am./Hkn. cek (叔) ​‘father’s younger brother, uncle’, = Sw. cèk, H. coûk, Ct. sôk — suk, Mdn, şú; › (cf. MNC ∫juk) SVN thúc ​‘oncle, frère cadet du père’.

From the same source come Th. /​cék/​cek and Lao/​cēk/​cek ​‘Chinaman (somewhat pejorative)’. Cf. vVN chệt ‘(slang) a Chinese’.

146a. */​cuu/​jū. See/​cǝn cuu/.

146b. /​cúuǝn/​jwn ~/​cùuǝn/​cwn. See /​cíiǝn cúuǝn/

147. /​cùuǝn/​cwn ​‘bell’. Probably vVN chuông ​‘cloche, clochette, timbre’, ‹ SVN chung (鐘) ​‘cloche’, MNC t∫jwon ​‘bell, clock’ [K 1149] (› Mdn, cūn, H. tshoūn, Am. cion — cien, Ct. côn, Hkn. cen).
148. /​cunciin/​jañjīo ​‘scales, balance’. Middle K. jañjīon *[čǝn’či.n], ‹ (with/R-/ ​‘reduplication: repetitive’ and /-VN-/, as in item 145) OK Jyan *[ji.ǝn ~ či.ǝn] and janjyan *[jǝn’ji.ǝn — čǝn’či.ǝn] ​‘unit of weight’; ‹ MNC t∫hjǝn (秤) ​‘steelyard’ [K743] (› Mdn. chǝn, Ct. chên, Hkn. chìn, Am. cîn; › SVN xứng ​‘balance…; poids de quinze livres’.

From the same source come Th. /​chân/​jãn ​‘to weigh; balance, scales, beam…; unit of weight equal to a catty…’ and Lao /​sin/​sin ​‘scales’ as well as /​sān/​sãn ​‘scales; to weigh’. Cf. also vVN thăng ​‘niveau (instrument)’ and Malay daching = Indonesian datjing ​‘beam, balance, steelyard; unit of weight’.

148a. */​còok/​cūk. See /​saam còok/.

149. /​comp/​cap ​‘spade, hoe, mattock’. MNC tshap (鋤) ​‘pointed iron bar; hoe, spade; hair-pin’ [K 1561], › Ct. chap, Mdn. chá.

Cf. Malay chop — chok ​‘spade, shovel’, chok (chuchok) sanggul ​‘hairpin’, chuchok ​‘digging with a pointed stick’, and Indonesian tjutjuk ​‘to pin’. Note also Lao /​còk/​‘spade’ and vVN cuộc ​‘pioche, piocher’.

150. /(pɛɛn) caak/​bēn cak ​‘small cup for tea or wine’. Κ. /​ρεεη/​‘cup, glass’, + OK cok *[čok] ​‘cup’, probably ‹ MNC zjak (勺 or 杓) ​‘spoon, ladle; large spoon, handle, cup’ [K 860] (› Ct.ceok ~ seok, Mdn. șáo — sùo), but possibly ‹ MNC tsjak (璃) ​‘cup or goblet with three feet and two ears, for libations or feasts’ [K 1126] (› Am. ciok, Ct. céok, Mdn. cýe — cío – tsío).

From the same source come Th. /​cɔɔk/​ca’ak and Lao /​cɔɔk/​ca’ak ​‘small cup or glass’.

150a. */​canlaap/​canlāp. See /​cǝn laa/.

151. */​chin chaj/​jhin chai ‘(slang) as you wish, however you like, it makes no difference (to me)’. Am. chìn chái (且採) ​‘anyhow, any (old) way; indifferently, carelessly, in a slipshod manner’ or Hkn. chìn chái (囉哚) ​‘anyhow’,= H. tshìn tshái, Ct. ché chói, Mdn. chǐe (tshǐe) tshǎi.

151a. */​chèe/​che. See /​chaaɛk chèe/.

152. /​chaaɛk/​chēk ​‘to seek, search; to check, look for’, Hkn. chek (测) ​‘to fathom, probe, sound, test; to measure, estimate, calculate; to find’, = Am. chiek — chék, Ct, châk, Mdn. tshǝ; › SVN trắc.

Possibly akin to Lao /​sɔɔk/​sa’ak ​‘to look for’. See.the next.

153. /​chaaɛk chèe/​chēk che ​‘to rummage, ransack’. K. / chaaɛk /, item 152, + Am, chê — ce — ca(查) ​‘to seek, search; to inquire, examine’, = Hkn, ca, Ct./Mdn. chá; › SVN tra.
154. /​chaa/​chā ​‘to fry, sauté; fried dish of meat and vegetables’; cf. /(num) chaa kwaj/​nam chā khvai. Am. chá (炸) ​‘to fry, deep-fry; to scald’, = Ct./Mdn, cá; › SVN tac ​‘bombe, obus’; or possibly Am, chá — cháu (炒) ​‘to roast or toast in a pan; to fry’, Ct. cháu, Mdn. chăo; › SVN sao — sằo ​‘griller, rôtir, torréfier, cuire’.

Cf. vVN xáo ​‘cuire sans graisse avec peu d’eau et beaucoup de condiments’ as well as xào ​‘frire’ [Gouin 1567b], ​‘to stir-fry (slices of meat] with onions, vegetables and a small amount of sauce’ [Hoa 553a].

155. /​chaa chaw/​chā chau ​‘to disturb, annoy, rile’; cf. /​chaao laao/​. Am. reduplication with dissimilation of cháu ~ chá (吵) ​‘to quarrel, wrangle; to make an uproar (fuss), create a row’, = Cc. /chāw- chāw/​, Ct. cháu-cháu, H. tshâo-tshâo, Hkn. chá-chá, Mdn. chǎo-chǎo.

Cf. vVN xao-xάο ​‘tumultueux; tumulte, trouble’.

156. /(num) chaa kwaj/​nam chā khvai ~ /(jaaw) chaa kwaj/​yāv chā khvai — */​caa kwaj/​cā khvai ​‘kind of deep-fried cake or doughnut’. K. /​num/​‘cake, bread or /jaaw-/, q.v., + /​chaa/​item 154, + /​kwaj/​‹ Am, koé ~ ká (蝶) ​‘rice- or wheat-flour cake’ (cf. /​paa than kòo/​): Am, chá koé ​‘fried cake’, = Cc. /​cāa kwê/.
157. */​chaa siiw/​chā sīv ~ */​saa sii/​sā sī ​‘kind of roast pork’; cf. /​sil maj/​. Cc./chāa sīo/​(义燒) ​‘roast pork’, Ct. chá siu, Am. cha sio — che siau, Mdn. chā sāo; › (cf. MNC tsha ſjɛu) SVN trá thiêu ​‘filet de porc rôti’, › vVN xa xíu.

157a. /​chaaj/​chāy. See /​tan chaaj/​, /​cap chaaj/​, /​kìiǝm chaaj/​, /​kuu chaaj/​, /​khin chaaj/.

158. /​chap/​chā’p ​‘to be fast, quick, prompt’, Am, ciàp — cièt (捷) ​‘alert, nimble, clever, quick, sudden; frequent’, = Ct. cit, Mdn. cíe — tsíe.

From the same source comes Th. / chàp/​chãp ​‘quickly, suddenly, instantly’. Cf. Malay chap-chap and achap-achap ​‘quickly’ and pidgin chop-chop.

159. */​chak/​chā’k ​‘to do openwork (sewing)’; cf. /​cak/​. Am. cha’k – cho’k ​‘to chisel, cut into, pierce, perforate’.

159a. /​chaw/​chau. See /​chaa chaw/.

159b. */​chaj/​chai. See /​chin chaj/.

160. */​chaj pòow/​chai pūv ​‘long turnips sliced lengthwise and salted’. Am. chài pó (菜脯) ​‘salted sliced turnip’, = Cc./chaj pôo/​, Ct, chói fu, Mdn, tshài fŭ.
161. */​chaj thaaw/​chai thāv ~ */​thaaɛ thaaw/​thē thāv ​‘turnip (Brassica rapa, of the mustard family)’. Am./Hkn. chài thâu (菜頭) ​‘turnip’, = Ct. chói thâu, H. tshói thêou, Mdn. tshài thóu.
162. /​chut/​jhut ​‘act (of drama)’. Am. chut (齣) ​‘acto teatral’ [Piñol 186a], Mdn. chū ​‘stanza, couplet; N.A. for plays’.
163. /​chok/​chuk ​‘to make a mistake; to err, run into trouble’. Am chok — chà (錯) ​‘to be wrong, confused; mistake, blunder, error’, = Ct. chók — sêk and chó — chou, Cc./chàa/, Hkn. chò, H. tshó, Mdn. tshò.
164. /​chon/​chun ​‘to pour water over, infuse, brew’. Ct. chôn (冲) ​‘to pour (water) out or over, infuse’, = Am. chion, Mdn. chún, H. tshoûn.

From the same source come Th. /​chon/​jan ​‘to steep, infuse, make (tea, coffee)’ and Lao /​són/​san ​‘to pour water over’.

165. */chon-chon/ chun chun ​‘to be hurried, reckless’, Am./Hkn. chon (匆 or 忽) ​‘excited; hurried, precipitate’, = Mdn, tshūn.
166. /​chaao laao/​cho lo ​‘to make an uproar, create a disturbance’; cf. /​chaa chaw/​. Am. cháu lāu ( 吵鬧), ‹ cháu as in item 155, + Am. lāu ~ nāu ​‘to make a disturbance, cause a row; noise, hubub, bustle’, › also Am, cháu nàu, Ct. cháu náu, Mdn, chǎo nào.
167. /​kii/​gī ​‘pickled shrimp’, Probably, Am. kê ~ hâi (蛙) ​‘Salazón de mariscos o pescadillos’ [Piñol 348b]; but Mdn. kuēi — șí ​‘freshwater porpoise’.

167a. */​kii/​gī. See /​juu kii/.

168. /​kíiǝp/​gāp ​‘to squeeze, crush, press’. ~ /​kìiǝp/​kiǝp ​‘to hold as in tongs, pinch, grip from two sides’. MNC (a) kap — yiep (俠) ​‘to press, clasp under the arm, pinch, carry…’, (b) kap (夾) ​‘to press from two sides, squeeze’, and © kap (俠) ​‘pincers, chopsticks’ [K 345], › Hkn. kiap and khoe? ~ noe?, H. kǐap, Ct, káp, Mdn. сīа – cía; › SVN (夾) giáp ​‘presser, pincer, serrer; soutenir de chaque côté’ and kiếp ​‘saisir, tenir’; (俠) giáp ​‘veines du bois’ and hiệp ​‘tenir entre les doigts, sous l’aisselle…, serrer’; and (俠) kiếp ​‘bâtonnets pour aliment, saisir ces bâtonnets…’

K. /​kíiǝp/​+ infix /-n-/ ​‘instrumental’ › /​kníiǝp/​ghnāp ​‘instrument of torture; cane-crushing machine’, while K. /​kìiǝp/​+ prefix /t-/ ​‘diminutive (?)’ › /​tkìiǝp/​thkiǝp ​‘to pick up in tongs; to clip’ (› Th. /​takìap/​tahkœyap ​‘chopsticks’), expanded by infix /-VN-/ ​‘agentival-instrumental’ › /​dankìiǝp/​tankiǝp ​‘pincers, chela, tweezers; spring-clip’. Note also vVN kẹp ​‘ceps, écraser, pincer, presser, serrer, torturer’.

169. */​kìiǝm bùuəj kiǝm pwy ​‘salted or pickled plum’. Cc. /​kìǝm bwé/​(鹹梅) ​‘salted or salty plum’, = Am. kiâm bôe, Am./Hkn. kiâm môin, ct. hám mui, H. hâm môe, Mdn. hán méi ~ çíen méi.
170. */​kìiǝm chaaj/​kiǝm chāy ​‘salted or pickled greens’. Am./Hkn. kiâm chài (鑑猜) ​‘salted or pickled vegetable greens’, = Sw. kíam chàj ​‘pickled cabbage’ [Eg. 75], H. hâm tshói, Ct. hám chói, Mdn. hán tshài — çíen tshài.

From the same source comes Th. /​kìǝm chàaj/​kœyam chāy ​‘pickled greens’.

170a. */​kìiǝn/​kiǝn. See /​hok kìiǝn/.

171. /​kíiǝw/​gāv — */​kìiǝw/​kiǝv ​‘Chinese soup with meat dumplings’. Cc. /​kîǝw/​(餃) ​‘meat dumpling (wonton), with various types of filling’, = Sw. kîaw — kîawn, Hkn. kiáu, Ct. káu, Mdn. ciǎo; › SVN giảo ​‘pâtisserie farcie de viande, sandwich’.

From the same source comes Th. /​kíǝw/​kœyav ​‘wonton’.

172. /​kìiǝw/​kiǝv ​‘to hook by the feet, fetter, trammel’; cf. /​kaaw/​and /​kandìiǝw/​. Probably through Th. kìǝw/​kœyav ​‘to hook, hitch’ (= Lao / kìǝw /​kiǝv ​‘se tordre, s’entortiller’); ‹ MNC kjǝu (ㅘ) ​‘hook; to connect’ [K 400] (› Mdn. cìu) with influence of MNC kǝu (鉤) ​‘iron hook, barb, sickle; to hook, connect, entice’ [K 484] (› Mdn. kōu).

From the same source come (a) Th. /​kìǝw/​kœyav ​‘to cut (as with a sickle), harvest, reap’ and Lao /​kīǝw/​kiǝv ​‘faucille; moissonner avec la faucille’, (b) Th. /​khiǝw/​gœyav ​‘sickle’ and Lao /​khiǝw/​khiǝv ​‘faucille; moissonner’, © Th. /​khîǝw/​khœyav ​‘fang’, (d) Th. /​khíǝw/​gœyav ​‘to twist, be twisted, winding’ and Lao /​kīǝw/​kiǝv ​‘se tordre’, (e) Th. / kìǝw / kœyav ​‘to be intertwined, enmeshed, involved, concerned with’ and Lao / kīǝw / kiǝv ​‘to be connected, concerned, involved with’, and (f) Th. /​kîǝw/​kœyav ​‘to entice, seduce; to court, woo’ and Lao /​kìǝw/​kiǝv ​‘to dally, flirt’.

173. /​kìiǝw/​kiǝv ​‘ring for topknot’. Through Th. /​kîǝw/​kœyav ​‘ornament of gold worn around the topknot’, ‹ MNC kjǝu (4), as in item 172.
174. /​kɛɛn/​gēn ​‘the khène of various Tai peoples, a composite wind instrument on the same principle as the Chinese şǝn (笙)’, Lao/​khɛɛn/​gēn ​‘reed mouth-organ’ (› Th. /​khɛɛn/​gēn ​‘reed mouth organ’), ‹ MNC kuan (管)‘reed; pipe, flute; tube, duct…’ [K 447] (› Mdn. kŭan, ct. kwún, Hkn. kn), › SVN quản ​‘tube, flûte, vaisseaux, canaux, clef’.14

From the same source comes vVN kèn ​‘instruments de musique à vent; clairon, piston, cornemuse, trompette, etc’.

175. /​kaaɛ/​kē ​‘to correct, repair, fix’, Am. ké (改) ​‘to correct, alter’, = Am./Hkn. kóe, Cc. /​kôj/​, Ct. kói, H. kòi, Mdn, kǎi; › SVN cải ​‘changer, transformer; autre’.

     From the same source come Th. / kɛɛ/​kē and Lao /​κέε/​kē ​‘to correct, revise, alter; to fix, mend, repair’.

175a. /​kaaɛ/​kē. See /​thaw kaaɛ/.

176. /​kaa taw/​kā tau ​‘flour sifter’. Conjecturally, Ct. ká tâu (架斗), on the analogy of Am. Hkn. thai táu (篩斗) ​‘sieve for flour’, but ‹ Ct. ká (架)‘frame; rack, shelf, stand’, = Am./Hkn. kè, Mdn. cìa + /​taw/​, item 85.

176a. /​kaa chaaj / kā chāy. See /​kuu chaaj/.

177. /​kaaw/​kāv ​‘glue, gum’. Am. kau – ka (膠) ​‘resin, gum; glue, paste; sticky’, = Ct. káu, H. kāo, Mdn. ciāo, Hkn. ka.

From the same source come Th. and Lao/​kaaw/​kāv and B. /ko:/ ko ​‘glue’.

178. /​kaaw/​kāv ​‘to hook; earring’; cf. /​kìiǝw/​, item 172. Am./Hkn. (hī) kau ( 耳鉤) ​‘earring’, = Ct. (ji) kâu, Mdn. (ǝr) kōu, and H. kēou ​‘to hook; hook’.
179. /​kak/​kā’k ​‘tenth of a real; dime, ten-cent piece’; cf. /​pòoc kak/​. Am./Hkn. kak (角) ​‘horn; corner, angle; tenth of a dollar’, = Sw. kàk, H. kôk, Ct. kók, Mdn. cýe ~ cío — ciǎo; › SVN giác ​‘corne…, cap…; angle, points cardinaux; mesure de dix boisseaux…’

From the same source come vVN cắc ​‘pièce (ou billet) de dix sous, un dixième de la piastre’ and Th. /(sìi) kák/​sī kãk ​‘crossroads, intersection’.

180. /(qaaw) kak/​āv kā’k ​‘sleeveless vest, waistcoat, or sweater’. K. /​qaaw/​‘upper garment’, + Am./Hkn. ka? (袂 or 袷), = Ct. káp, H. kập, Mdn. сīа — сīе.

From the same source comes Th. /(syǝ) kák/​sœ’a kãk ​‘vest, waistcoat’.

180a. /​kak/​kā’k. See /​pòoc kak/.

180b. */​kaq paw/​kā pau. See /​haao paw/.

181. /​kaw qǝǝj/​kau ​‘ī ​‘chair’; cf. /​paw qii/​. Am./Hkn. kau í (交椅) ​‘chair, armchair’, = H. Kāo ì, Ct. káu ji, Sw. kǎw în, Mdn. ciáo ǐ.

From the same source come Th. /​kâw qîi/​ko ​‘ī and Lao /​kàw qìi/​ko ​‘ī ​‘chair’.

182. /​kaw juk/​kau ya’k ​‘poultice; adhesive plaster’. H. kāo jok ( 膏藥) ​‘poultice; (medical) sticking plaster’, = Ct. kou jéok, Cc. /​kāa ?ió?/, Am./Hkn. ko io?, Mdn. kāo jào ~ kāo jò.

From the same source comes Lao /​kàw qìǝ/​ko ​‘iǝ ​‘adhesive plaster, poultice’.

183. /​kaw lak/​kau lāk ​‘pulley, block’; cf. /​raak/​. Am./Hkn. ka lak 咖恢 or 蜘悅) ​‘pulley-block’.
184. /​kaw law/​kau lau ​‘building of several stories; restaurant’; cf. /​law/​. Ct. kou lâu ( 高樓) ​‘high building; quality restaurant’, = Am. ka lâu ~ koân la, Hkn. koâin lâu, Mdn. kāo lóu, Cc. /​kwìi láo/​; › SVN cao lâu ​‘restaurant, hôtel’.

The direction of borrowing is uncertain. See the next.

185. /​kaw law/​kau lau ​‘banquet; name of a special Chinese dish’. Presumably the same as item 184 (cf. ​“la haute cuisine”).

From the same source comes Th. /​kaw lăw/​ko halo ​‘name of a highly reputed Chinese dish, usually served tenth in a full-course banquet and kept warm on a special apparatus’.

186. /​kaj/​kai ​‘trigger, catch (of crossbow)’; cf. /​kǝǝj/​. Th. /​kaj/​kai ​‘trigger’, probably ‹ MNC kjei (機) ​‘machine, machinery, mechanism, apparatus; loom; catch, trigger’ [K 328]; › SVN cơ.

From the same source apparently come Stieng ki ​‘levier, ressort de détente’ and Maa kaih (söna) ​‘détente d’arbalète’. Probably unrelated is vVN cò ​‘mécanisme à déclic; déclencher’.

186a. /​kýn tan/​gin tāmn. See /​kantan/​.

187. /​kǝǝj/​kī ​‘loom’; cf. /​kaj/​. Am./Hkn. ki (機) ​‘machine, mechanism; device, apparatus, loom; catch, trigger’, = H. kī, Am. kui, Ct. kei, Mdn. cī; › (cf. MNC kjei) SVN cơ ​‘machine, métier, art, organe’, › vVN cửi ​‘métier de tisserand’. 15 

From the same source come Th. /​kìi/​kī and Lao /​kii/​kī ​‘loom’.

188. /​kuu/​gū ​‘pair, couple’. Through Th. /​khûu/​gū ​‘pair, couple; even (not odd)’ (= Lao /​khūu/​gū ​‘couple; associé, conjoint’), ‹ either (a) MNC nǝu (偶) ​‘pair, mate; image, idol; spouse’ [K 1325] (› Ct. nâu, Mdn. nǒu ~ ǒu, H. ná), › Sino-Japanese gū and SVN ngẫu ​‘couple, paire; amis, conjoints…’, or (b) MNC nau (耦) ​‘mate, pair; spouse’ [K 1325] (› Ct. nâu, Mdn. nǒu ~ ǒu), › SVN ngẫu ​‘paire, couple; accouplé’.
189. /​kuu chaaj/​gū chāy ~ /​kaa chaaj/​kā chāy ​‘leek’. Am. kú chài — kíu chhài ( 韭菜) ​‘the common leek’, = Hkn. kú chài, Ct. kâu chói, H. kiòu tshói, Mdn. cǐu tshài.

K. /​kaa chaaj/​may reflect a restriction of Ct. ká chói ( 家菜) ​‘domestic greens of various kinds’, = Am./Hkn. ke chài, Mdn. cīa tshài.

190. /​kun/​gun ​‘science or art of hand-to-hand combat, including boxing’. Am./Hkn. kûn (拳) ​‘fist, clenched fist; boxing, pugilism’, = Am. koân, Ct. khyn, H. khǐen, Mdn. chýan.
191. /​kuk/​guk ​‘jail, lock-up; prison’. Through Th. /​khúk/​guk (= Lao /​khūk/​guk ​‘jail, prison’), ‹ MNC njwok (獄) ​‘ligation, lawsuit; prison’ [K1336], › Mdn. jỳ, Ct. Jôk, Hkn. gak, Am. giok; › Sino-Japanese goku — gyoku and SVN ngục ​‘prison, geôle, cachot’.

From the same source comes Malay gok — gob ​‘cage, prison’.

191a. /​kuk/​ga’k. See /​pǝk kuk/.

192. /​kuj tíiǝw/​guy dāv’ (Chinese) noodle soup’. Sw. kûe tíaw (果炸) ​‘rice noodles’ [Eg. 88], = Ct. kwó thiu, Mdn. kŭo thiáo, Hkn. ké tiâu.

From the same source come Th. /​kúəj tǐəw/​kavay tœyav and Lao /​kùəj tiəw/​kavay tiəv ​‘Chinese noodles’.

192a. */​kòo/​kū. See /​paa than kòo/.

193. /​kóok/​gok ​‘knoll, hillock; dry land, terra firma’. OK gok *[go.k – ko.k] ​‘mound, knoll ‹ MNC nok (岳) ​‘mountain, peak’ [K 406] (› Ct. nók, Mdn. Jò; › Sino-Japanese gaku and SVN nhạc ​‘montagnes…’

Cf. vVN gò ​‘colline peu élevée, tertre’ and Malay gugok — guguk (= Indonesian guguk) ​‘hill, eminence’. Presumably through K. come Th. /​khôok/​gauk ​‘mound, knoll’, Th. /​khòot/​khaut ​‘knoll, mound’, Lao /​kòok/​kauk ​‘mound, hump, bump’, and Lao/​kòok ~ khòok/​kak ~ khak ​‘hump (of ox)’.

194. */​kòow/​kūv ​‘younger sister-in-law; aunt (used by Chinese and Sino-Cambodians)’. Sw. kǒw (姑 ​‘paternal aunt; (young) woman’, = H. kōu, Ct. kwu, Am. ko, Hkn. ka, Mdn. kū; › SVN cô ​‘tante, sœur du père’.

From the same source come Th. /(qaa) koo/​‘ā kau and Lao /(qaa) kōo/‘a kau ​‘aunt, father’s sister’. Cf. /​qaa/​.

195. /(qaa) kon/​‘ā kun ​‘grandfather (used by Chinese and Sino-Cambodians)’; cf. /​qaa/​. Am./Hkn. kon (公) ​‘grandfather; elderly gentleman, elder’, = Ct. kôn, Sw. kǒn, Mdn. kūn; › SVN công.

From the same source comes Th. /​kǒn/​kan ​‘grandfather’. Note also Malay/​Indonesian ǝnkon ​‘grandfather’ and Tagalog ingkong ​‘grandfather; old man’.

195a. */​kon/​kun. See /​taj kon/.

196. /​kon sii/​kun sī ​‘firm, company, mercantile enterprise’. Am./Hkn. kon si (公司)‘firm, company, business house’, = Ct. kôn si, Sw. kón sǐ, Mdn, kūn sy.

From the same source come Th. /​kon sǐi/​kan sī and Lao /​kon sǐi/​kãn sī ​‘company, organization, group’.

196a. /​kaao/​ko. See /​qaa kaao/.

197. */​kantan/​kantāmn — /​kýn tan/​gin tāmn ​‘Kwangtung, Canton; Cantonese’. Am./Hkn. kn tan (廣東) ​‘Kwangtung, Canton’, Ct. kwón tôn, Mdn. kŭan tūn › SVN quảng đông.

From the same source comes Lao /​kuǝn tùn/​kavan tun ​‘Canton, Cantonese’.

198. /​kandìiǝw/​kantiǝv ​‘sickle’. Through infix /-VN-/ ​‘agentival-instrumental’, + */​knìiǝw/​‘hook-shaped implement’, the latter consisting of infix /-n-/ ​‘instrumental’ (altered to a stop allomorph after /-VN-/) + /​kìiǝw/​‘to hook’, item 172.
199. /​kankaaɛp/​kankēp/​qankaaɛp/​ankēp frog’. Presumably through OK kapkep *[kɔpke.p] ​‘slave name’, reduplication with thematic variation of *[kɔ.p — kɔp] ​‘frog’, ‹ MNC kap (始) ​‘frog, lizard, oyster’ [K 71] (› Ct. kôp, Am./Hkn. kap, Mdn. kó — há); › old Sino-Japanese kapu (now kafu › kō) and SVN cáp ​‘freshwater mussel; various mollusks’ (Bào-duy- Anh, I: 94b].

The K. form may have been modeled on K. /​kiinkuk/​gīnga’p ​‘toad’, which is probably cognate. From the same source come Th. /​kòp/​kap and Lao /​kóp/​kap ​‘frog’, as well as vVN cóc ​‘crapaud’.

199a. /​kníiǝp/​ghnāp. See /​kìiǝp/​.

200. /​kkriiw/​gagrīv ~ /​prakriiw/​pragrīv ​‘rheumatism’. /R-/ ​‘reduplication: frequentative or intensive’ and /pra- — prɔ-/ ​‘frequentative’, + */-kriiw/, overcorrected literary form of */-kiiw/ (cf. Th. /​takhiw/​tangiv ​‘cramp’); probably ‹ MNC chjǝu (抽) ​‘to pull, take out; to levy, subtract’ [K 253], › Mdn. chōu (cīn) ​‘spasms, cramps; to pull out the sinew…’, Ct. châu (kân), Hkn. khîu (kun).

From the same source comes Cham kagiov/​kəgjəw/​‘rhumatisme; douleur dans les muscles’. 

201. /​knaan/​knān ​‘goose’. K. /k-/ ​‘lower creature’, + MNC nan (雁) ​‘wild goose’ [K 244], sauvage’. › Ct. nán, Am. gān, Mdn. jèn; › SVN nhạn ​‘oie sauvage’.

From the same source come Th. /​hàan/​hān and Lao /​hāan/​hān ​‘goose’ as well as Cham kanan /​kǝnan/​‘oie’ and B. /nan:/ nan: ​‘goose’.

Distinguish K. /​han/​hansa and Th. /​hǒn/​han (sa), both ‹ Pāli hansa (= Sanskrit hamsa) ​‘the vehicle of Brahmā: goose, swan’, and SVN hông (萬) ​‘oie sauvage, grue’, ‹ MNC Yun ​‘wild goose, wild swan’.

202. /​kwic/​ghvic ​‘tangerine, mandarin orange’, normally following generic /​kròoc/​, q.v. Vernacular VN quít ​‘mandariniers’, ‹ SVN quất (橘) ​‘oranger, mandarinier’, ‹ MNC Kjuet ​‘orange’ [K 1335] (› Ct. kwât, Mdn. cý).
203. */​kwaaɛn/​khvēn ’ (Middle Khmer) province’. Through Th. /​khwɛɛn/​khavēn ​‘district, region, division of a province’ (= Lao / khwɛɛn / khavēn ​‘région, district, province’), ‹ MNC kiwwen (垌) ​‘border regions; wasteland near the frontier’ [K 408] (› Mdn. ciun — cion).

From the same source appear to come Th. / khwɛɛn / gavēn ​‘district, province, state’ and Lao /​khwɛɛn/​gavēn ​‘division territoriale, région, province’.

203a. /​kwaj/​khvai. See /(num) chaa kwaj/.

203b. */​kjuun/​khyūn. See /​tjuun/​.

204. /​κrεε/​grē ​‘bed, cot; bench’. Possibly through Th. /​khrɛɛ/​garē ​‘litter; bed; small platform floored with bamboo slats’, ‹ OC kjεr (几) ​‘stool, small table’ [GSR 602a], › MNC kji ​‘small table, stand; stool’ [K 318] (› Ct. kei, Mdn. cī); › SVN kí ​‘petite table, escabeau, banc’.

This identification is advanced by Gorgoniev, ​“O sistematičeskom ispoljzovanii…,” 75, who cites Tibetan /​khri/​‘seat, bench’ and an undiscoverable Mon /​kra/​‘bench; bed, bedstead’. Cf. Malay gěrai ​‘sleeping-platform’, Cham graiy ​‘estrade, lit’, and vVN ghế ​‘banc, chaise, fauteuil, siège’, notably ghế ngựa ​‘wooden bed […on trestles]’ [Hoa 155b].

205. /​kròoc/​krūc ​‘citrus fruit in general’; cf. /​kwic/​. OK krvac *[kru.ǝč], ‹ MNC kjuět (橘) ​‘orange’ [K 1335]; › SVN quât ​‘oranger, mandarinier’ and vVN quít.

From the OK form comes Th. /​makrùut/​mahkarūt ​‘Kaffir lime, bergamot’. Cf. Mnong Gar/​kroec/​‘limon’. This identification is also proposed by Gorgoniev, ibid.

205a. /​krahòon/​krahūn. See /​khòon/​.

206. /​khin chaaj / ghin chāy ~ /​khuj chaaj/​ghuy chāy ​‘celery’. Am. khîn chài ( 芹菜) ​‘El apio o mastuerzo’, Sw. khîn chàj, H. khiôun tshói Ct. khân chói, Mdn. chín tshài — tshín tshài.

The second K. form, recognized by the VK as an alternant of the first, is unexplained.

207. /​kham/​khām ​‘to bite’. Conjecturally, ‹ MNC yam (含) ​‘to hold in the mouth…’ [K 386] (› Ct. hôm, Hkn. hâm, Mdn. hán); › SVN hàm ​‘tenir dans la bouche, contenir, garder’.

Cf. Lao/​khám/​gām’ (a) bite’, Th. /​qom/​‘am ​‘to keep in the mouth’, Th. /​Jám/​yãm ​‘to chew’, vVN gặm ​‘grignoter, mâcher, ronger’, vVN cấm ​‘dents molaires’, and K. /​tkíiǝm/​thgām ​‘molar’.

208. */​khat naa/​khā’t nā ​‘Chinese dried olives’. Sw. kǎn nâ (橄欖) ​‘olive [Eg. 64], = Am. kan ná, Hkn. kan nán, Mdn. kăn lăn, Ct. kôm lám.

From the same source come Th. /​kaa náa/​kā nā and Lao /​kāa náa/​kā nā — /​kān náa/​kãn nā ​‘olive’.

209. /​khým/​ghim ​‘quasi-fretted, 7‑stringed zither’. Sw. khím (琴) ​‘lute’ [Eg. 94], Am./Hkn./H. khîm ​‘harp’, Ct. Khâm ​‘lute, organ’, Mdn. chín — tshín ​‘Chinese lute or guitar’; › SVN câm ​‘luth’. 16

From the same source comes Th. /​khǐm/​khim ​‘Chinese cymbalo; a stringed musical instrument of Chinese origin, somewhat like a zither’ [McF. 157b].

209a. /​khuj chaaj/​ghuy chāy. See /​khin chaaj/.

210. /​khòon/​khūn ~ /​krahòon/​krahūn ​‘to be hollow’. MNC khun (空) ​‘hollow, empty, vacant; empty space…’ [K 476], › Mdn. khūn — khōn, H. khōun, Am. khon — khan, Hkn. khan, Ct. hôn; › SVN không ​‘vide, vain, nu, néant …’ and không ​‘vide, à vide, repos; épuisé, manquer…’

From the same source come Lao /​khōon/​gaun and /​khōn/​gãn ​‘to be empty, hollow’. Cf. K. /​prahaaon/​prahon ​‘empty space, gap, hole’, Malay pǝrohon — pǝrohan ​‘gaping, wide open’, and B. /qahkaun:/?akhon: ​‘cavity’.

210a. /​khòow/​khūv. See /​taw khòow/.

211. /​khaao/​kho ​‘trousers’. Perhaps through SVN khố ​‘caleçon, culotte, pantalon’ [Gouin 672b], ​‘G‑string, belt, sash’ [Hoa 223b], ​‘loincloth’ [Hung 344b], ‹ MNC khuo (褲 and 袴) ​‘trousers, drawers, breeches’ [K 431, 438] (› Mdn. khù, but Ct. fu, H. fóu).
212. /​khaaok/​khok ​‘to rap with the knuckles’. Conjecturally, through vVN cốc ​‘onomatopée’ [Gouin 184b], ​‘to rap someone’s head with the knuckle of one’s finger’ [Hoa 42b], ‹ SVN khạp (磕) ​‘frapper, battre’, ‹ MNC khap ​‘to strike, knock, beat’ [K 75] (› Mdn. khō, Ct. hôp).

Cf. B. /hkau?/ khok ​‘to knock, rap’.

213. /​niiw/​nīv ​‘Chinese theater’. Presumably through Th. /​níw/​niv ​‘Chinese play’ (= Lao /​nìw/​niv ​‘Chinese play’), ‹ Am. iu (袋)‘actor’, = Sw. ?ǐw, Ct. jâu, Mdn. jū.
214. /​níiǝw/​nāv ​‘marine shell, valve; cockle’. Am. giâu — giô — lâu (蟯仔) ​‘conch, valve’. Cf. SVN ngao (整仔) ​‘grande huître’ .
215. */​qii/​‘ī ​‘aunt (term of address used by Chinese and Sino-Cambodians)’. Am./Hkn./H. î (姨) ​‘maternal aunt, wife’s sister, mother’s sister’, = Mdn. í, Ct. ji; › SVN di ​‘tante maternelle, sœur de l’épouse’.

From the same source comes Lao / (qaa) qíi/​‘ā ​‘ī ​‘aunt’.

215a. /​qii/​‘ī See /​paw qii/.

216. */(num) qii/​nam ​‘ī ​‘kind of sweetmeat’. K. /​num/​‘cake, bread’, + Am. î (始) ​‘sweetmeat’, = Sw. ?í, Mdn. Í, Ct. Ji — ci; › SVN di ​‘sucre, bonbons, friandises’.

From the same source comes Th. /qǐi/‘ī ​‘Chinese sweetmeat’.

216a. /​qiiw/​‘īv. See/​taw qiiw/​, /​sii qiiw/​; cf. /​jii hun/​, /jaaw-/.

217. /​qìiǝm/​‘iǝm ​‘kind of brassiere’. Vernacular VN yếm ​‘bavette, cache-sein, guimpe, pectoral’ (cf. mặc yếm ​‘to put on a brassiere’ [Hung 818b]), ‹ SVN yểm (奄 and 掩) ​‘couvrir, recouvrir; boucher, cacher, celer, voiler’, ‹ MNC jʌm ​‘to cover, conceal…’ [K238] (› Am. ¡ám, Ct. âm — jim, Mdn. jěn).

From the same source come Th. /​qíǝm/​‘œyam ​‘apron-like garment used to keep the chest and abdomen of a baby warm; dickey (for women)’, Lao/​qiəm/​‘iəm ​‘mamillaire ou guimpe’, and Cham iom/​jǝm/​‘couvre-sein; guimpe’.

218. / qìiǝw / ​’iǝv ​‘one (at dice), ace (at cards)’. Am. io (ㄠ)‘one (in gambling)’, = Hkn. iu, Sw. jǒw ​‘ace’ [Eg. 60], Ct. jiu, Mdn. jāo.

From the same source come Th. /​qìǝw/​‘œyav and Lao/​qīǝw/​‘iǝv ​‘one; ace’.

219. */​qèet caaj/​‘et cāy ​‘Chinese peddler who makes rounds buying up old bottles (so called from his identifying cry)’. Conjecturally, Am. e? — ie? (嗄)‘exclamation’ + Am. câi (材) ’ (raw, rough) material’.
220. /​qaa/​‘ā ​‘headword, familiar or pejorative, used with kin terms and name of males’. MNC a (阿) ‘… first syll. in various N.pr. and titles…’ [Κ 414], › Mdn. à ​‘prefix to names of people’, Ct./Hkn. á, H. ā, Am. a ~ a ​‘Voz enclítica que precede a vocablos de parenteso’ [Piñol la]; and MNC ?a (亞) ‘… deformed, ugly; inferior, second; younger’ [K 209], › Mdn. jà ​‘inferior, secondary, ugly; a character used in names’, Ct. á ​‘Prefixo que se junta a nomes de pessoas, em vez da letra 阿 á. Segundo’ and ​‘Prefix to names of persons’, Am. a ​‘Segundo en orden. Ser inferior. El inmediato, el siguiente’; › SVN a ​‘terme honorifique’ (!) [Gouin la] and á ​‘second, succédané’ respectively.

From the same source come Th. and Lao/​qaa/​‘ā. In Khmer /​qaa/​usually occurs before /​pǝq/​, /​múuǝj/​, /​tii/​, /​sam/​, and /​hìiǝ/​; may or may not occur before /​kon/​and /​cǝk ~ suk/​; and occurs only rarely before /​pèe/​, /​tìiǝ/​, /​caaɛ/​, /​kòow/​, /​qii/​, and /​saao/​.

220a. */​qaa pǝq/​‘ā pi. See / pǝq /.

221. /​qaa phíiǝn/​‘ā bhiǝn ​‘opium’. Am. a phièn (鴉片) ​‘opium’, = Hkn. a phìan, Sw. ?ă phìen, H. ā phìen, Ct. á phin, Mdn. jā phìen; › SVN a phiện (phiên) ​‘opium’.

From the same source come Th. /​qaa phîǝn/‘a bœyan ​‘opium’ and Th. /​fìn/​phin ​‘opium’ as well as Lao / (jaa) fīn/​yā phin ​‘opium’ and B. /bein:/bhin: ​‘opium’.

221a. /​qaa múuǝj/​‘ā mwy. See /​múuǝj/​.

221b. /​qaa tii/​‘ā dī. See /​tii/​.

221c. /​qaa cǝk/‘ā cik. See/​cǝk /.

221^d. /​qaa kon/​‘ā kun. See/​kon/​.

222. /​qaa kaao/​‘ā ko ​‘steamed rice cake’; cf. /​kòo/​. Am. (a) ko (阿糕) ​‘steamed cake of rice flour’, Hkn. (á) ko, Sw. (?ǎ) kǒ, Ct. (á) kou, Mdn. (à) kāo; › SVN cao ​‘gâteau’.

From the same source comes Th. / kǒo/​kau ​‘variety of Chinese pancake made of rice-flour’.

222a. /​qaa sam/​‘ā sām. See /​sam/​.

222b. /​qaa suk/​‘ā suk. See /​cǝk/​.

222c. */​qaa hìiǝ/​‘ā hiǝ. See / hìiǝ /.

223. /​qaan/​‘ān ​‘saddle’. MNC ?an (鞍) ​‘saddle’, › Am. an, Am./Hkn. oan, Mdn. ān, H. ōn, Ct. ón; › SVN an — yên ​‘selle de cheval; pupitre, porte-livre’.

From the same source come Th. and Lao /​qaan/​‘ān ​‘saddle’ and, perhaps through SVN, Cham /​qyn/​un ​‘selle’.

224. /​qaan/​‘ān ​‘tub, cistern’; cf. /​qon/​. MNC ?un (甕 or 壇) ​‘earthen jar’ [Κ 268], › Am./Hkn. àn, Sw. ?àn, Am. jòn, Ct. ôn, H. vóun; › SVN úng ​‘bonbonne, grande jarre’; or MNC *?^n (鹽or 雙or罃) [cf. K 286,288, 289], › Ct. án ​‘earthen jar or urn’, = H. ān, Mdn. jīn; › SVN anh ​‘jarre, amphore’.

From the same source come Th. /​qàan/​‘ān ​‘bowl, basin’, Lao/​qāan/​‘ān ​‘terrine, plat en terre’, and B. /qin/?an ​‘earthen cup, bowl’.

225. /​qak/​‘ā’k ​‘distaff’. Am. ak — ok (簍) ​‘Huso de hilanderas’ [Piñol 5a].
226. /​qan jǝǝj/​‘āmn yī ​‘secret, illegal, clandestine’. Sw. ?án jî (紅字) ​‘secret society’ [Eg. 10] (cf. /​paaj hùuǝj/​), 17 = Am./Hkn. ân jī ​‘red (written) character’, Am. hôn jī, Ct. hôn ci, Mdn. hún tsỳ.

From the same source comes Th. /​qan jîi/​‘ãn yī ​‘Chinese secret society (an underworld organization)’ [Haas 613b]. Cf. /​jii haao/.

226a. /​qan Iòow/​‘āmn lūv. See /​qon Iòow/.

226b. /​qǝǝj/​‘ī. See /​kaw qǝǝj/.

227. /​quu/​‘ū ​‘dry dock’. Am./Hkn. (塢) ​‘bank, dike; low embankment protecting a village; dock’, = Ct. wu, Mdn. wù; › SVN ở ​‘petite digue, retranchement, ferme, hameau’.

From the same source come Th. qùu/​‘ū ‘…dry dock, garage for repairs, etc.’ and Lao/​qūu/​‘ū ​‘garage’.

228. /qut/‘üt ​‘to iron (clothes)’. Am./Hkn. ut (熨) ​‘iron for smoothing clothes; to iron’, = Ct. wât — wai, Mdn. jỳ — jỳn; › SVN úy ​‘repasser (du linge)’ [Gouin 1491b, with variant], › vVN ũi ​‘repasser (du linge)’
229. /​qut/​‘üt ​‘to guess (in gambling or cards)’. Presumably, Am. io? — le? (億) ​‘Adivinar, descifrar enigmas’, = Hkn. io?, Cc. /?io?/, Ct. jêk ​‘Lembrar. Recordar’, Mdn. ì ​‘to recollect, recall…’; › SVN ức ​‘se souvenir, songer’.
230. */qun/‘ün ​‘to be lukewarm, tepid’. Am./Hkn. un (温) ​‘warm, mild, bland, tepid’, = H. vōun, Ct. wân, Mdn. wǝn; › SVN ôn ​‘tiède, tempéré,…doux, accommodant…’

From the same source come Th. /​qùn/​‘un ​‘to be warm, lukewarm; to warm (something) up, heat slowly’ and Lao/​qūn/​‘un ​‘to be warm, tepid’. Cf. vVN ằm ​‘tempéré, doux, tiède, agréable, à l’aise’ [Gouin 22a], ​‘to be warm, lukewarm, nice and warm’ [Hoa 5b] and vVN êm ​‘doux, tendre, suave, moelleux, agréable…’

231. /​qon/​‘un ​‘narrow-mouthed jar’; cf. /​qaan/​and /​qon Iòow/​. Ct.ón (盎) ​‘wine jug; basin, dish’, Mdn. àn; › (cf. MNC ?an) SVN áng ​‘assiette, bassin, cuvette’.

From the same source come Th. /qòon/‘aun ​‘big jar for water’ and Lao/qōon/‘aun ​‘water-jar’.

232. /​qon paan/‘un pān ​‘headman of a Chinese congregation’. Am. ôη pan (王理) ​‘administrative assistant’, = Ct. wón pón, Mdn. wán pān.

From the same source comes Lao /​qōn paān/​‘an pãn ​‘headman’.

233. /​qon lòon / ​‘un lūv ~ /​qan lòow/​‘āmn lūv ​‘portable earthenware brazier’ cf. /​qon/​, /​qaan/​, and /​laa/​. Ct. ôn lôu ( 甕爐) ​‘earthen stove’, = H. vóun lôu, Mdn. wǝn lú, Sw. ?àn lóu, Am./Hkn. àn lâ.

From the same source come Th. /​qân lôo/​‘ãn lau ​‘portable earthenware brazier for cooking’ and Lao /​qān lòo/​‘ãn lau ​‘brazier’.

233a. /​qaao/​‘o. See /​tan qaao/.

234. /​qampíiǝw/​‘ambāv ​‘to cry (out), bawl, bellow’. K. /qaN-/ representing syllabicized prenasalization, + */-píiǝw/ ‑bāv, overcorrected literary alternant of /​paaw/​‘to cry, hawk’, as in item 8.

234a. /​qonkaaɛp/​‘ankēp. See /​kankaaɛp/​.

235. /​wan suj/​vā’n suy ​‘coriander, Chinese parsley’. Cc. /?oân sùj/​(莞綏)‘cilantro, coriander’, = Am. goân suì ~iên suì, Ct. jyn sâi, Mdn. jýan sūi.
236. */​fuu naan/​hvū nan ​‘Fu-nan, early Chinese designation of the pre-Angkorian state occupying the Mekong delta region’. Through French Fou-nan — Founan, ‹ Mdn. fú nán (扶南), = Ct. fu nám, Am. phô lâm — hû lâm, Hkn. pa lâm; corresponding to MNC bhju nam [K 41,650], › SVN phù nam — phò nam. 18

Used in modern history texts with reference to the states of the period from c. the 1^st century A.D. to c. 550.

237. */(trǝǝj) jii hýy/​trī yī hī — */ (trǝǝj) jíiǝw hii/​trī yiǝv hī — /(trǝǝj) juu hýy/​trī yū hī ​‘cuttlefish, squid’; cf. /(trǝǝj) mýk/​. K. /​trǝǝj/​‘fish’, + Am./Hkn. jîu hî (鱷魚) ​‘cuttlefish, squid’. The first character is not listed in our other sources; the second corresponds to Sw. hy ​‘fish’, = Ct. jy, Mdn. jý.

From the same source apparently comes Lao /​qīi hýy/‘ī hī ​‘cuttlefish’.

238. ./​jii hun/​yō hun ​‘face-powder mixed with oil, used by actors’; cf. /(sii) qiiw/​and /jaaw-/. Am./Hkn. iû hún (油粉) ​‘oil-powder’, = H. jôu foùn, Ct. jâu fân, Mdn. jú fǝn.
239. /​jii haao/​yō ho ​‘brand, trademark; shop sign’; cf. /(qan) jəəj/​. Am./Hkn. ​‘jī hō (字號) ​‘shop sign (in characters), trademark; shop, firm, business house’, = Sw. jî hô, Ct. ci hou, Mdn. tsỳ hào.

From the same source come Th. / jîi hɔɔ/​yī ha’a and Lao/​Jīi hɔɔ/​yī ha’a ​‘brand, make, trademark’.

239a. */(trəəj) jíiəw hii/​trī yiəv hī. See / (trəəj) jii hýy/.

240. /​jaan/​yān ​‘kind, sort; way, manner’. Perhaps through Th. /​jàan/​‘ayān ​‘kind, sort, variety…, in a manner’ (= Lao/​jāan/​yān ​‘manière, façon…’), ‹ MNC jan (棟) ​‘model, pattern, style, kind, sort; method’ [K 212] (› Mdn. jàn, H. jón, Ct. Jéon, Am. jān — īun, Hkn. īun); › SVN dạng ​‘forme, genre, modèle, manière’, › vVN dường ‘…façon…’.

Cf. Malay yang = Indonesian jang (he, the one) who, (that) which’.

241. */jaaw-/ yāv- ​‘oil, grease, ointment’; cf. /(sii) qiiw/​and /​jii (hun)/. Ct. jâu (油) ​‘oil, fat, grease’, Am. îu, Hkn. jû, Mdn. jú; › (cf. MNC jəu) SVN du ​‘huile’, › vVN đầu ​‘oil, petroleum’ [Hoa 89b].

Occurs in a few terms such as /​jaaw kolaa/​yāv kulā ​‘Burma oil, i.e. a camphorated or mentholated ointment such as Tiger Balm’ and the next.

241a. /(jaaw) chaa kwaj/​yāv chā khvai. See /(num) chaa kwaj/.

242. /​jəəj/​ÿī. See /​qan jəəj/.
243. */​juu kii/​yū gī ​‘game played with twelve sticks’. Cc. /​càp jìi Kīi/​(十二枝) ​‘twelve sticks’, = Am. cấp jī ki ~ sip nō ci, Ct. sâp ji ci, Mdn. şý ǝr cy, with first syllable probably misunderstood as K. /​cap/​cā’p ​‘to take, grasp, pick’.

Cf. Malay chapjiki ​‘lottery of twelve letters; game with twelve squares’ [Wilkinson, I: 189b], ​‘game with twelve dice’ [Winstedt 59a].

243a. /(trəəj) juu hýy/​trī yū hī. See / (trəəj) jii hýy/.

244. /​juk/​ya’k ​‘jade’. Ct. Jôk (玉) ​‘jade, nephrite, precious stone’, = Mdn. Jỳ, H. niǒuk, Am. giók, Hkn. gek; › (cf. MNC njwok) SVN ngọc gem, precious stone’ [Hoa 309b].

From the same source come Th. /​jòk/​hayak ​‘jade’ and, presumably, B./cau?/ kyok ​‘stone’.

244a. /​juk/​ya’k. See /​kaw juk/.

244b. /​гіі/​rī. See /​saa rii/.

244c. /​rumsèew/​ramsev. See /​msèew/​.

245. /​raak/​rak ​‘pulley, block’; cf. /​kaw lak/​. Through Th. /​rɔɔk/​ra’ak ​‘pulley’, ultimately ‹ MNC luk (轆) ​‘pulley, windlass’ [K 576], › Ct. lôk Am. lok — lak, Hkn. lak, Mdn. lù; › SVN lộc ​‘poulie, treuil’, › vVN róc ​‘poulie’.

Cf. Malay/​Indonesian kerek ​‘pulley’.

246. /​lii/​Iī ​‘millimeter’. Mdn. lí (釐or厘) ​‘thousandth part of a Chinese foot or tael’ (› kūn lí (公厘) ​‘millimeter’), = Am. lî, Sw. lí, Ct. lei; › SVN ly ~ li ​‘millième’ [Gouin 726a]’, ​‘millimeter’ [Hung 404b].
247. /​liiw/​Iīv ​‘single, unmarried’. Through Th. /​lìw/​haliv ​‘one, single, alone’ (› Th. /​taa lìw/​‘to be one-eyed, have one eye open’ and /​lìw taa/​‘to wink, squint’), probably ‹ MNC lieu (寥) ​‘vacant, empty, lonely’ [K 546], › Mdn. liáo, Ct. llu; › SVN lieu ​‘vaste, vide, immense, silencieux, calme’.
248. /​líiǝ/​lā ​‘ass, donkey’. Through Th. /​laa/​lā ​‘ass’ (= Lao /​láa/​lā ​‘ass’), ‹ MNC Ijwo (驢) ​‘donkey’ [K 579], › Am./Hkn. lû, H. lôu ~ lî, Ct. lôi, Mdn. lý; › SVN lư ​‘âne’, › vVN lừa ​‘âne ou mulet’.

Distinguish Th. /​lɔɔ/​la’a ​‘mule’, ‹ MNC lua (驃) ​‘mule’ [K 522], Mdn. lúo ~ ló, Ct. ló; › SVN loa ​‘mulet…’, › vVN la ​‘mulet’.

249. /​líiǝn (phíiǝ)/ liǝn bhā ​‘species of antelope or chamois (obsolete)’. Th. /​liǝn phǎa/​lœyan phā ​‘goat antelope, goral…’, ‹ Th. /​phǎa/​‘rocks, mountains’, + MNC lien (羚) ​‘kind of antelope’ [K 558] (› Am./Ct. lên, Mdn. lín; › SVN linh ​‘antilope, daim, mouflon’).

249a. */​líicw/​lāv. See / taaɛ líiǝw/.

250. /​lèew/​lev ​‘button’. Am./Hkn. líu (鈕) ​‘button, knob’, = Ct. nâu, Mdn. nǐu; › (cf MNC njǝu) SVN nữu ​’bouton, globule’.
251. /​laaw/​lāv ​‘funnel’. Am./Hkn. lāu (漏) ​‘to drip, leak; clepsydra; funnel’, = Ct. lâu, H. léou, Mdn. lòu ~ lèo; › (cf. MNC lǝu) SVN lậu ​‘suinter, dégoutter, couler…’.
252. */​laaw ciiw/​lāv jīv ​‘liquor funnel’. See items 251 and 123.
253. /​laaw haaw/​lāv hāv — */​law haw/​lau hau ​‘nutmeg’. Am. lāu hàu (原版) ​‘Una variedad de nuez moscada’ [Piñol 440b], = Ct. tâu khâu ​‘Noz moscada (Amomum globosum, Bot.)’ [de Mello 4193], Mdn. tòu khòu; (cf. MNC dhǝu xǝu) SVN đậu hấu — đậu khấu ​‘muscade, macis’.
254. /​lam sam/​lām sām ​‘to be improper, wrong, slipshod, careless, disorderly’; cf. /​saam còok/​. Am./Hkn. lām sám (濫糝) ​‘De modo indebido, de mala manera, desordenadamente, à la diabla’ [Piñol 435a], = Mdn. làn săn.
255. /​lan/​lā’ñ ​‘glossy silk’. Vernacular VN lãnh ​‘kind of brilliant silk’ [Hung 369a] and vVN lình ​‘espèce de soie’, through SVN lang (綾) ​‘soie fine fleurie’, ‹ MNC Ijǝn ​‘fine and thin silk stuff, damask’ [K 560], › Ct. lên ​‘damask, thin silk’, = Mdn. lín, Sw. lín, Am. lîn.

From the same source comes Th. /​lǐn/​halin ​‘damask’.

255a. /​lak/​lā’k. See /​kaw lak/.

256. /​lan/​lāmn ​‘crate’; cf. /​lan sin/​. Am. lân — lón (籠) ​‘cage (for animal)’ and lán — lón ​‘crate: wicker box or basket’, = Hkn. lân ​‘cage’, Mdn. lún, H. lōun, Ct. lôn ​‘cage, crate’; › (cf. MNC lun) SVN lông ​‘corbeille, panier, cage, étui…’, › vVN lồng ​‘cage, panier, carquois’.

From the same source comes Th. /​lan/​lãn ​‘crate, wooden box’.

256a. */​lan/​lāmn. See /​haao lan taw/.

256b. */​lan sin/​lāmn sin. See /​lan sin/.

257. */​lan sin/​lāmn sin~ */​lan sin/​lāmn sin ​‘large cauldron for steaming food’. Am. lân sn — lón ciēn (籠甑) ​‘Artesa para cocer tortas a vapor’ [Piñol 437b]; ‹ Am. lân, as in item 256, + Am. sn — ciēn ​‘Torta grande cocida al vapor’ but Ct. cân ​‘Destilador. Alambique’, = Mdn. tsǝn — cǝn boiler for steaming rice: pot, cauldron’; ‹ (cf. MNC *tsǝn [vid. K 1047]) SVN tặng ​‘marmite en terre à fond perforé, pour cuire à la vapeur…’

From the same source comes Lao /​sýn/​sin ​‘to steam (rice and other food)’. Cognates of Am. lân sn have not been found.

258. /​law/​lau ​‘upper story, balcony’; cf. /​kaw law/​and /​law tèen/​. Am./ Hkn./Ct. lâu (樓) ​‘upper story, two-storied house, tower’, = H. lêou, Mdn. lóu — léo; › (cf. MNC lǝu) SVN lâu ​‘étage, maison à plusieurs étages, tour’, › vVN lâu ​‘palais, étage, tour’.

From the same source come Th. /​lăw/​halo ​‘big Chinese restaurant’ and, presumably, Lao/​law/​hlo ​‘grenier’.

258a. /​law/​lau. See /​kaw law/.

259. /​law tèen/​lau ten ​‘upper story’; cf. /​law/​. Am./Hkn. lâu tén ( 樓頂) ​‘upper story’, = Ct. lâu tên, H. lêou tàn, Mãn. lóu tǐn.

From the same source comes Lao / lâw tèn/​hlo ten ​‘upper story’.

259a. */​law haw/​lau hau. See /​laaw haaw/.

260. /​lýy/​Iī ​‘you (among Chinese-speakers)’. Sw. lŷ (改) ​‘you’ [Eg. 107], = Ct. jy, Mdn. rŭ; › (cf. MNC nzjwo) SVN nhữ ​‘tu, toi, vous’.

From the same source come Th. /​lýy/​Iī’a and Lao/​lỳy/​Iī ​‘you (limited distribution)’.

260a. /​lỳn/​lin. See /​thaw lỳn/.

261. /​luj/​luy ​‘small change, coins’. Am./Hkn. lui — lúi (鐳) ​‘one-cent piece’, Mdn. lúi — léi ​‘small copper coins’.

Possibly related is OM slūy — sluy /​sluy/​‘copper’.

262. /​lùuǝn/​hlwn ​‘king, sovereign; (to be) royal, imperial’. Through Th. /​lŭan/​halavan ​‘government; royal; next to lowest conferred title for government officials…’ [Haas 571a] (= Lao / lŭǝn / hlavan ‘…royal, roi; titre des officiers inférieurs’), ‹ MNC ljwon (龍) ​‘dragon; (imperial emblem:) imperial’ (K 585] (› Mdn. lún, Ct. lôη, Am. lôn — liên, Hkn. lên), › SVN long ​‘dragon, empereur, impérial’, › vVN rong ​‘dragon, empereur, impérial’.

With the vVN form of. K. /​roon/​ron ​‘fifth of the duodenary cycle: the Dragon’, dating back at least to the 10^th century.

263. /​lòo/​lū ​‘dozen’; cf. /​laao/​. Hkn. lô (羅) ​‘dozen’, Am. lâ ​‘to arrange, spread out’.

From the same source come Th. and Lao /​lǒo/​halau — hlau ​‘dozen’.

263a. / lòow/​lūv. See/​qon lòow/.

264. /​laao/​lo ​‘thin silk stuff’; cf. / lòo /. Ct./Mdn./Sw. lòo (羅)‘net, netting, veil, gauze, thin silk; to net, snare, sieve, sift, bolt; to arrange, spread out’, = Am. lâ; › (cf. MNC la) SVN la ​‘filet pour prendre les animaux, prendre au filet…’.

From the same source come Th. /​lôo/​lau ​‘kind of fine-textured Chinese silk’ and, possibly, vVN lụa ​‘soie ordinaire’.

264a. /​laao/​lo. See /​chaao laao/.

265. */​laao tíiǝr/​lo diǝr ​‘opium or gambling concessionaire (19^th century)’; cf. /​tìiǝ/​. Am. lá tia (老爹) ​‘Título dado al mandarín local’ [Piñol 463a], Hkn. ló tia — láu tia ​‘old father, = gentleman,’ Ct. lôu tē, Mdn. lăo tiē.

The final ‑r (/-Ø/ in standard K.) is a literary overcorrection. Cf. pidgin lod-yay.

266. /​laa/​la ​‘kiln’; cf. /​qon lòow/​. Am./Hkn. lâ (爐)‘oven’, = Ct./H. lôu, Sw. lóu, Mdn. lú; › (cf. MNC luo) SVN lô ​‘fourneau, réchaud’.

266a. /​sii/​sī. See /​phaa sii/​, /​chaa siiw/​, /​kon sii/​, and /​saa sii/.

267. */​sii maj/​sī mai ​‘small steamed dumpling’; cf. /​chaa siiw/​. Ct. siu mái (燒賣) ​‘kind of steamed cake’, = Am. sio māi ~ siau bē, Hkn. sio bōe, Mdn. sāo mài.

From the same source comes Lao /​siw maaj/​siv hmāy ​‘kind of steamed dumpling’.

268. /​sii qiiw/​sī ​‘īv ​‘soy sauce’; cf. /​taw qiiw/​and /​sìiǝn/​. Sw. sî ? íu ( 豉油) ​‘soy’ [Eg. 136], = Am. sī îu – sīn îu, Ct. si jâu, Mdn. sỳ jú – chy jú.

From the same source come Th. /​sîi qíw/​sī ​‘īv and Lao /​síi qìw/​sī ​‘iv ​‘soy sauce’.

268a. /​siiw/​sīv. See/​taaj siiw/​and /​chaa siiw/.

269. /​sìiǝn/​siǝn ​‘salted soybeans’; cf. /​sii qllw/​. Am. sīn – sī (豉) ​‘to salt, pickle, preserve, cure’, = Sw. sî, Ct. si, Mdn. șỳ — chy; › (cf. MNC *t∫ię [cf. K 1212]) SVN thị — sị ​‘saumure de haricots, soja’.
270. /(preǝh sòor) sìiǝn/​brah sūr siǝn ​‘voice (rājasabda or royal parlance)’; cf. /​samléen/​. K. /​preǝh/​‘headword denoting divine/​royal beings/​things’, + K. /​sòor/​‘sound, voice’ (‹ Sanskrit svara), + Th. /​sǐǝn/​sœyan ​‘sound, voice; words’ (= Lao /​sǐǝn/​siǝn ​‘voice; talk, words’), ‹ MNC ∫jɛŋ (聲) ​‘tone, voice; sound’ [K 397] (› Am. sien ~ sian, Hkn. sian, Ct. sên, Mdn. şən); › SVN thanh ​‘bruit, son, voix, renommée, nouvelle’ and vVN tiếng ​‘paroles, voix, mot, langage, …bruit, cri, son’.
271. /​sìiǝw phǝw/​siǝv bhau ’ (Western-style bound) book’. Am. siàu phō ~ tiàn phō ( 賬簿) ​‘account book, ledger’, = Hkn. siàu phā, Ct. ceon pou, H. tshón phōu, Mdn. càn pù.

271a. /​sin/​sin. See /​tan sin/​and /​lan sin/.

272. /​sin saaɛ/​sin sē /​can saaɛ/​cin sē ‘(Chinese) doctor; fortuneteller’. Sw. sǐn sěn (先生) ​‘elder-born (title of respect): teacher, professor, doctor’, = Am. sien sen, Hkn. sian sin, Ct. sin sân, Mdn. çīen sǝn; › (cf. MNC sien şʌn) SVN tiên sinh - tiên sanh ​‘monsieur, maître’.

From the same source comes Th. /​sin sɛɛ/​sin sē ​‘professor, doctor’.

272a. */​sin/​sin. See /​lan sin/.

273. /​sèen/​sen ​‘to multiply (used mostly by Chinese or Sino-Cambodian tradesmen)’. Am./Hkn./Ct. sên (累) ​‘to avail oneself of, profit by; to multiply, add to’, = H. cín, Mdn. chǝn; › (cf. MNC dzhjǝn) SVN thừa ​‘additionner, multiplier’.

From the same source comes Lao /​seen/​sen ​‘to multiply’.

274. /​saaɛ/​sē ​‘clan, lineage’. Am. sèn ~ sièn (姓) ​‘surname; clan, people’, Ct. sên, Hkn. sìn, Mdn. çìn — sìn.

From the same source come Th. and Lao /​sɛɛ/​sē ​‘clan’.

274a. /​saaɛ/​sē See /​sin saaɛ/.

275. /​saaɛn/​sēn ​‘to make an offering of food to the dead’. H. sēn (牲) ​‘domestic animal, cattle; sacrificial animal’, = Am. sen, Hkn. sin, Ct. sân, Mdn. şən; (cf. MNC sʌn) SVN sinh ‘…animal domestique, victime’.
276. /​saa rii/​sā rī ​‘kind of pear’. Sw. să lí (沙梨) [Eg. 127], Ct. sá lei, Hkn. soa lâi, Mdn. ṣā lí ​‘small russet pear with hard particles in the flesh…’

From the same source comes Th. /​săa lîi/​sā Iī ​‘the Chinese pear, sand pear, Pyrus serotina…’ [McF. 859a].

277. */​saa sii/​sā sī ​‘Chinese syrup yielding a soft drink’. Conjecturally, Am. san sì (三四) ​‘three or four (essential ingredients)’.

From the same source comes Lao /​sǎa sīi/​chā sī ​‘Chinese syrup’.

277a. */​saa sii/​sā sī. See /​chaa siiw/.

278. */​saam còok/​sām cūk ​‘mixed congee’; cf. /​lam sam/​. Am./Hkn. sám cok (杉粥) ​‘mixed congee’, = Ct. sâm côk, Mdn. săn cū (cōu).

The second term corresponds to MNC t∫juk ​‘gruel, congee’ [K 1252], which yields SVN chúc ​‘bouillie’, Th. /​cóok/​cauk ​‘congee’, and Lao /​cōk/​cak ​‘congee’.

279. */(qaa) sam/​‘ā sām ​‘term of address used of Chinese women; Chinese nurse, governess, amah’: cf. /​qaa/​. Ct. (á) sâm ( 阿嬸) ​‘aunt, wife of father’s younger brother’, = Am. (a) cím, Hkn. (á) sím — chím, Mdn. (a) şən; › (cf. MNC ∫jəm) SVN thâm ​‘tante, belle-sœur, femme du frère aîné’ [sic, Gouin 1343b].

Vernacular VN shows two forms: an older thím ​‘tante, femme de l’oncle cadet paternel, appellatif des femmes du peuple’, reflecting Hkn. sím, and a later á xẫm ​‘Chinese amah’ [Hoa 553b], reflecting Ct. sâm.

279a. /​sam/​sām. See /​lam sam/.

280. /​sỳk/​sik ​‘war, battle, combat, conflict; armed forces’. Through Th. /​sỳk/​śik ​‘troops, army; fight, combat…’ (= Lao /​sǝk/​sœk ​‘conflict’), ‹ Old Th. (1292) se’ak *[srk], ‹ MNC dzhjɛk ~ dzhja (射) ​‘to shoot with a bow, project, aim at, hit’ [K 865] (› Am. siā, Hkn. sīa, Ct. sé, Mdn. şə — şỳ); › SVN thực ​‘tirer avec un flèche, combattre, attaquer’.

Cf. vVN sực ​‘créer des histoires, chercher querelle’.

280a. /​sùuǝ/​sw. See /​mil sùuǝ/.

280b. /​sùuǝn/​swn. See /​taw soǝn/.

281. /​sùuǝj/​swy ​‘tax, tribute’. Through Th. /​sûǝj/​savay ​‘poll-cha; tribute paid to the Crown by male citizens’ (= Lao /​sūəj/​savay ​‘tax, income tax; fee’), ‹ MNC ∫jwɛi (稅) ​‘tax of produce, tithe, levy, duty on goods’ [K 1138] (› Am. sòe — sè, Ct. sôi, Mdn. sùi, H. cóe), › SVN thuế ​‘impôt, taxe’.

281a. /​suk/​suk. See /​cǝk/​.

281b. /​suj/​suy. See /​wan suj/.

282. */​son/​sun ​‘carton (of cigarettes)’. Ct. seón (箱) ​‘box, large box, case, coffer, chest, trunk’, = Am. sian — siun, Hkn. siun, H. siōn, Mdn. çiān — siān; › SVN tương ​‘caissette, mallette…’.

From the same source come Th. /​sɔɔn/​ja’an ​‘envelope, flat container or case’ (whence /​sɔɔn burìi/​‘cigarette case; flip-top box for cigarettes…’) and Lao /​sɔɔn/​sa’an ​‘pack (of cigarettes)’, while from Th. /​sɔɔn/​comes the K. doublet /​sɔɔn/​san banana-leaf or metal container for cigarettes or betel quids’.

283. */​saao/​so ​‘elder sister-in-law’. Am./Hkn. só (嫂) ​‘elder brother’s wife; matron, married woman’, = H. sò, Ct. sou, Mdn. sǎo; › (cf. MNC sau) SVN tảo ​‘femme du frère aîné’.

From the same source comes Lao / (qaa) sɔɔ/​‘ā sa ​‘elder sister-in-law’.

284. /​saao/​so ​‘lock, padlock’. Am./Hkn./Ct. só (鎮) ​‘lock; to lock’, = H. sò, Mdn. sǒ — sŭo ​‘lock, fetters, chains’; › (cf. MNC sua) SVN tỏa ​‘chaîne, cadenas, enchaîner’.

Not without interest is the parallel formation of expressions for ​‘key’ from a vernacular word for ​‘child’ + a loanword for ​‘lock’: K. /​kòon saao/​kūn so, Th. /​lûuk kuncɛɛ/​lūk kuñcē, Malay anak kunchi. In contrast, ​‘lock’ proper is sometimes expressed in K. as /​mée saao/​me so ​‘mother [of the] lock’, i.e. the main part of the locking device.

285. /​saao huj/​so huy ​‘expense, outlay, expenditures, outlay’. Am. só hùi (素慧)‘expenses’, Hkn. sá hùi, Ct. só fâi, Mdn. sǒ fèi — sŭo fèi; › (cf. MNC sjwo phjwei) SVN sở phí ​‘les dépenses’.

From the same source come Th. /​sǒo hûj/​sau huy ​‘expenses, overhead’ and Lao /​sǒo hùj/​chau huy ​‘interest (on principal of loan)’. Note Sw. sô hùj (使費) ​‘expenses’ [Eg. 144], = Ct. sâi fâi ~ si fâi, Hkn. sài hùi, Mdn. şy fèi.

285a. /​sɔɔn/​san. See /​taw soǝn/.

286. /​sɔɔj/​say ​‘bad luck, misfortune’; cf. /​hèen sɔɔj/​. Ct. sôi (衰) ​‘to decrease, decline, fail, waste away’, = Am. soe, Mdn. şuāi; › (cf. MNC swie) SVN suy ​‘décroitre, dépérir, se corrompre’, › vVN xui ​‘to be unlucky’ [Hoa 562b], xúi ​‘guigne, déveine’, súi ​‘malheur, guigne’.

From the same source come Th. /​suǝj/​javay ​‘to have bad luck, be accursed’ and Lao /​súǝj/​savay ​‘bad luck’.

287. /​samlèen/​samlen ​‘sound, voice’. Cf. modern Th. /​samniǝn/​sāmnœyan ​‘voice, sound (of speech)’, pointing to earlier K. */​samnìiǝn/​, ‹ infix /-vmn-/ ​‘collective’, + /​sìiǝn/​, item 270. The reasons for the */-nìiǝ-/ › /-lèe-/ substitution are not clear.
288. /​hii/​hī ​‘Chinese theater’; cf. /​paa hill. Am./Hkn.hì (戲) ​‘play, drama, theater’, = H. hí, Ct. hei, Mdn. çì; › (cf. MNC xjie) SVN hí ​‘pièce de théâtre’.
289. */(qaa) hìiǝ/​‘ā hiǝ ​‘Chinese trader’; cf. /​qaa/​. Am./Hkn. (a) hian (阿兄) ​‘elder brother’, = Ct. hên, Idn. çiūn — çiōn.
290. /​hèen/​hen ​‘to be lucky’. Ct. hên (興) ​‘to prosper, increase, flourish’, = Am. hien — hin, Mdn. sīn; › (cf. MNC xjǝn) SVN hưng ‘(se) dresser, …surgir, prospérer’.

From the same source comes Lao /​hén/​hen ​‘luck’. See the next.

291. /​hèen sɔɔj/​hen say ’ (good or bad) luck, fate, chance’; cf. /​sɔɔj/​. Cr. hên sôi ( 興衰) ​‘prosperity and decline, rise and fall, ups and downs’ = Am. hien soe ​‘Prosperidad y decadencia. Vicisitud próspera y adversa’, Mdn. çīn şuāi; › (cf. MNC xjǝn şwie) SVN hưng suy ​‘grandeur et décadence’.

From the same source comes Lao /​hén súǝj/​hen savay ​‘fate, outcome’.

292. /​haan/​hān ​‘shop, store; firm’. Am./Hkn.hân (行) ​‘store, warehouse; business firm’, = Sw./Mdn. hán, Ct. hón, H. hǒn; (cf. MNC yan) SVN hàng ​‘société de commerçants…’

From the same source come Th. /​hâan/​hān and Lao /​hǎan/​hān ​‘business establishment, store’.

292a. /​haaw/​hāv. See /​laaw haaw/.

293. /​haj nam/​hai nām ​‘Hainan, Hainanese’. SVN hải nam (海南) ​‘Hainan’, through MNC xai nam, › Mdn. hăi nán, Ct. hói nám, Sw. hâi lám, Am. › hái lâm.

From Chinese comes Th. /​hǎj lǎm/​hai halām ​‘Hainan, Hainanese’.

293a. /​hýy/​hī. See /​paw hýy/​, /​juu hýy/.

294. /​hǝp/​hip ​‘large box, chest, trunk’; cf. /​praqap/​. Through Middle K. hipp *[hip] ​‘chest’ and Th. /​hìip/​hīp ​‘box’ (= Lao /​hîip/​hīp ​‘box’), probably ‹ MNC yap (匣) ​‘small box, étui’ [K 344], › Ct. háp, Mdn. cía’; › SVN hạp ​‘caisse, cassette’ and vVN hộp ​‘boîte, caissette, cassette’ [Gouin 590a], ​‘box, carton, case, can’ [Hoa 197a].

Lao /​qɛɛp/​‘ēp ​‘boîte’ may or may not be related.

294a. /​huu/​hū. See /​taw huu/.

295. /​hùuǝj/​hwy ​‘tontine, lottery’. Sw. hŭe (會) ​‘association, society, company; mutual aid society; lottery’, = Am./Hkn. hōe, Mdn. hùi, Ct. wui; › (cf. MNC yuai) SVN hội ‘…réunion, association…’.

From the same source come Th. /​hŭǝj/​havay ​‘gambling game in which players bet on letters or numbers: lottery, lottery ticket’ and Lao /​húǝj/​hvay ​‘investment hui; lottery’. 19

295a. /​hùuǝj/​hwy. See /​paaj hùuǝj/​, /​caa hùuǝj/.

296. /​hun/​hun ​‘share (in business); to pool shares; corporation’. Am./Hkn. hūn (份)‘share, portion’, = Sw. hûn, H. fóun, Ct. fân, Mdn. fǝn; › (cf. MNC bjuǝn) SVN phân.

From the same source come Th. /​hûn/​hun and Lao /​hùn/​fū’n ​‘share (of stock)’. Cf. Th. /​puun/​pūn ​‘to divide, share, distribute’, Th. and Lao /​pan/​pãn ​‘to divide, share’, and B. /​tapoun/​tapum ​‘share, portion’.

296a. /​hun/​hun. See /​jii hun/.

296b. /​huj/​huy. See /​saao huj/.

297. */​hok kìiǝn/​huk kiǝn ​‘Fu-kien, Hokkien; Fukienese’. Am. hok kièn (福 建)‘Fu-kien’, = Hkn. hok kiàn, Ct. fôk kin, Mdn. fú cièn; › (cf. MNC pjuk kjʌn) SVN phúc kiến.

297a. /​haao/​ho. See / Jii haao/.

298. /​haao paw/​ho pau ~ */​kaq paw/​kā pau (colloquial) ​‘pocket’; cf. /​paw/​, /​paaw/​, /​baaw/​. Hkn. hô pau (荷包) ​‘pocket, purse, pouch’, = Am. hâ pau, H. hô pāo, Ct. hó páu, Mdn. hó pāo.

The prior syllable of /​kaq paw/​may be an alteration of K. /kra- krɔ-/ ​‘specializing (?)’; cf. Th. /​krapǎw/​karaḥpo and Lao /​kapăw/​kahpo ​‘pocket, purse’.

299. */​haao lan taw/​ho lāmn tau ​‘Chinese peas, snow peas (Japanese endōmame)’. Sw. hô lăn tâw ( 荷蘭荳) ​‘Dutch beans’ [Eg. 48], = Ct. hó lán tâu, Am. hâ liên tāu — ho lin tāu, Mdn. hò lán tòu. 

From the same source come Th. /​lan taw/​lãn to ​‘the Holland bean’ [McF. 737b] and Lao / lán taw/​lãn to ​‘Chinese peas’.

300. /​haoh/​[hɔh] hoh ​‘to fly (without wing movement)’. Conjecturally, through Th. /​hɔg/​hoh ​‘to fly through the air (not used of birds and insects)’ [Haas 593b] (= Lao / hɔq/​hoh ​‘to fly (as an airplane)’), ‹ MNC yak — yuok (雀) ​‘to fly high’ [K 74], › Mdn. hóu ​‘bird flying high’.

FOOTNOTES

1. The best exposition of the Indianization of Southeast Asia is F. D. K. Bosch, ​“The Problem of the Hindu Colonisation of Indonesia,’ in his Selected Studies in Indonesian Archaeology (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1961), 1 – 22. For Cambodia in particular see Paul Pelliot, ​‘Le Fou-nan,’ in BEFEO, 111: 248 – 303 (1903), and appropriate chapters in the following: G. Cœdès, Les Etats hindonisés d’Indochine d’Indonésie, new ed. (Paris: E. de Boccard, 1964); D.G.E. Hall, A History of South-East Asia, 2^nd ed. (London: Macmillan, 1964); and John F. Cady, Southeast Asia: Its Historical Development (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1964).
2. On China’s expansion into Southeast Asia, see appropriate chapters in Hall, op.cit., and Cady, op.cit., as well as Herold J. Wiens, Han Chinese Expansion in South China (Hamden, Connecticut: The Shoe String Press, 1967); O. W. Wolters, Early Indonesian Commerce: A Study of the Origins of Srivijaya (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, [c. 1967]); and the historical sketch in Pierre Huard et Maurice Durand, Connaissance du Viêt-Nam (Hanoi: École Française d’Extrême-Orient, 1954). For Cambodia in particular, see Pelliot, op.cit.
3. Also known as ​‘Thmenh-Chey’, ​‘Thnenh-Chey’, and ​‘A‑Chey’. See Rian dhnañjãya | Histoire de Thuenh-Chey, first ed. (Phnom-Penh: Institut Bouddhique, 1964) or G. Monod, ​“Thmenh-Chey: Légende cambodgienne’, in Extrême-Orient, Nouvelle Séric, VI, 62: 452 – 7, 467 – 72, (1932), especially 457 seq.
4. See Paul Pelliot, Mémoires sur les coutumes du Cambodge de Tcheon Ta-kouan, new translation with incomplete commentary (Paris: Adrien-Maisonneuve, 1951).
5. Ibid., 34 (paragraph 38). The italics are ours.
6. For historical background on the period following the abandonment of Angkor see William E. Willmott, The Chinese in Cambodia (Vancouver: Publications Centre, University of British Columbia, 1967) and W. E. Willmott, ​‘History and Sociology of the Chinese in Cambodia Prior to the French Protectorate,’ in JSEAH, VII, 1: 15 – 38 (1966). A. Terry Rambo, A Comparison of Peasant Social Systems of Northern and Southern Việt-Nam: A Study of Ecological Adaptation, Social Succession, and Cultural Evolution (unpublished doctoral dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Hawaii, 1972) contains much new information on the establishment of the Chinese in the Mekong Delta during the same period. See also Chan Hok-lam, ​‘Chinese Refugees in Annam and Champa at the the End of the Sung Dynasty,’ in JSEAH, VII, 2: 1 – 10 (1966); and Victor Purcell, The Chinese in Southeast Asia, 2^nd ed. (London: Oxford University Press, 1965), Part IV, pp. 167 – 221.
7. Cpa’p prus toy pandit Mai (Phnom-Penh: Put-Nān, 1959), verses 56 – 60. In the same literary genre is a code of conduct written expressly for the métis already mentioned: see the Lpœk dūnmān kūn can cin | Bous conseils aux Sino-Cambodgiens. Poème composé par Ing Khéng. Deuxième Edition (Phnom-Penh: Institut Bouddhique, 1958).
8. Gorgoniev, ​‘O sistematičeskom ispoljzovanii…’ (see Bibliography).
9. Willmott, Chinese in Cambodia, p. 18. For a map showing the geographic origins of Southeast Asian Chinese sec Albert Herrmann, An Historical Atlas of China, new ed. (Chicago: Aldine, 1966), plate 64.
10. Several months after we had embarked upon this present work, a seminar on Chinese in Southeast Asia was organized at the University of Hawaii by Arthur G. Crisfield under the patronage of Professor Li Fang-kuei, meeting weekly throughout the spring 1972 semester. We wish to make grateful acknowledgment here of unstinting help received from Professor Li and others in this small group, notably Robert Blust (for Austronesian), Robert L. Cheng (Amoy and Hakka), Crisfield himself (Lao and Thai), Thomas W. Gething (Thai), Edgar C. Knowlton, Jr. (Chinese and Austronesian), Julia C. Kwan (Cantonese), Nguyen-Dang Liem (Vietnamese), and D. Haigh Roop (Burmese). In addition, Mrs Tasaniya Punyodana provided valuable help with Cháo-chou. It goes without saying that we alone are responsible for errors of fact and interpretation. We wish to call attention to our use of the term Sino-Vietnamese, which refers to that segment of the borrowed vocabulary of Vietnamese for which the corresponding Chinese characters are (or were) known and used. By contrast the term vernacular Vietnamese includes, in addition to native vocabulary of Mon-Khmer origin, various loans from Chinese (as well as from Thai and Austronesian) for which there are no characters. This distinction conforms to that made between the on (Sino-Japanese) and kun (vernacular) readings of the characters in Japanese, where the vernacular vocabulary incorporates a certain number of loans from Chinese (e.g., uma ​‘horse’, ume ​‘plum’, fude ​‘writing brush’, kinu ​‘silk’) which have been assimilated and contrast with Sino-Japanese forms.
11. Shorto, Dictionary of Mon Inscriptions, p. 178, considers that vVN bánh is related to OM twān /​twain/​‘bread’ and hence with M. kwān/​kwain/​.
12. See J.-E. Vidal, G. Martel, S. Lewitz, ​‘Notes ethnobotaniques sur quelques plantes en usage au Cambodge,’ in BEFEO, LV: 171 – 232 + plates (1969). Item 56, page 188, describes the plant in question and gives the common name of haricot bulbeux. The běngkuang (bangkoang, bito) of Malaya is Pachyrrhizus bulbosus Kurz., item 25 in Sudarman Mardisiswojo dan Harsono Radjakmangunsudarso, Tjabe pujang warisan nenek mojang, dihimpun dan disusun olch… (Djakarta: Prapantja, n.d. [c. 1965]), 22.
13. Kenneth D. Smith, ​‘Sedang Dialects,’ in BSEI, Nouvelle Séric, XLII, 3: 239, item 46, (1967).
14. Instruments of this group consist of a smallish windchest into the side of which is let a short mouthpiece and into the top of which are fitted a variable number (often 14) of reed pipes arranged symmetrically according to height. Each pipe has two openings in its side: one in the lower end inside the air chamber, through which passes a vibrating tongue (free reed) of light metal, the other located just above the windchest and stopped by player’s fingers. See Grove’s Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 5^th ed. (1954), II: 234b seq.
15. Chōu Tá-kuān observes of the Khmer: ​‘Ils n’ont pas de métier pour tisser; ils se contentent d’attacher une extrémité de la toile à leur ceinture…’ (Pelliot, Mémoires, 30 (paragraph 29)).
16. The instrument in question is the Chinese chín, similar in principle to the 13-stringed Japanese kin (more commonly known as the koto) and a favorite instrument of the intellectual aristocracy. It has a body traditionally about 4 feet long and 8 inches wide, with a rounded soundboard over a flat bottom resting on four small feet. See Grove’s Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 5^th ed. (1954), 236b seq.
17. Regarding the semantic development, note the following usage: ​‘Possibly, he reflected, complications had arisen, rendering it necessary for him to communicate with headquarters in this oblique and secret society fashion.’ (P. G. Wodehouse, Uncle Fred In the Springtime (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin, 1966), 205).
18. For the first occurrence of this designation in Chinese sources see Pelliot, ​‘Le Fou-nan,’ 251 seq. The name is thought to be a Chinese transcription of OK (kurun) vnam *[(kurun) Bhnɔm] ‘(king of the) hill, mountain’, itself a calque of a Sanskrit name; see Cœdès, op.cit., 74.
19. See B. O. Cartwright, ​‘The Huey Lottery,’ in JSS, XVIII, 3: 221 – 39 (1924).

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